共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 46 毫秒
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本刊讯为参加 8月 28日至 31日在美国纽约联合国总部举行的由各国宗教领袖参加的“世界和平千年大会”, 8月 17日,中国宗教领袖代表团在京组成。代表团团长由中国天主教爱国会主席、中国天主教主教团副团长傅铁山担任,中国基督教协会会长韩文藻任副团长。团员包括:中国道教协会会长闽智亭,中国伊斯兰教协会会长陈广元,中国佛教协会副会长嘉木样·洛桑久美·图丹却吉尼玛、圣辉,中国基督教协会副会长曹圣洁。国家宗教事务局局长叶小文任代表团顾问。 全国政协副主席、中共中央统战部部长王兆国于8月 17日亲切会见了代表团… 相似文献
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2000年8月28日至31日,我随中国宗教代表团参加了在纽约召开的宗教领袖“世界和平千年大会”,与世界各宗教的负责人同坐在联合国大厦的大厅内,共议世界和平问题。2001年11月23-25日,我又以宗教界的身份参加中国代表团,出席了在西班牙马德里召开的一次国际研讨会,这次会议是由联合国所属人权委员会下设的宗教信仰自由报告员阿莫与西班牙政府联合召开的,主题是讨论宗教信仰自由与学校教育的关系,同时纪念联合国于1981年通过的《消除各种基于宗教信仰的不容忍或 相似文献
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2月15至27日对笔者来说,经历了一次不同寻常的旅行。我有幸随同中国基督教协会会长曹圣洁牧师作为中国宗教高层领导代表团一员,访问了加拿大和美国。 一支特殊的团队 代表团一行12人的组成来自三方面政府官员、宗教界领袖和著名学者。团长为国家宗教事务局局长叶小文;中国天主教爱国会主席傅 相似文献
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7月21日上午,美国宗教联合代表团先遣工作团一行四人访问中国佛教协会,访问团团长就中国的宗教状况与学诚法师进行了探讨与交流。7月23日上午,新加坡驻华使馆一位工作人员专程到中国佛教协会,就佛教在构建和谐社会中的作用等问题对学诚法师进行了专访。两次对话交流的主题具有一定的相关性, 相似文献
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1979年8月29日至9月7日,以赵朴初为团长、丁光训主教为副团长的"十人宗教代表团",参加在美国新泽西州普林斯顿召开的第三次世界宗教和平大会(WCRP,简称"世宗和")。这是自"文革"以来,中国宗教界第一次出席国际宗教会议。中国基督教派出代表四人,分别是丁光训、韩文藻、李寿葆、陈泽民。 相似文献
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Arkowitz H 《The American psychologist》2005,60(7):731; author reply 734-731; author reply 735
Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners. 相似文献
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The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools. 相似文献
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形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度". 相似文献
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从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意 相似文献
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Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed. 相似文献
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谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府… 相似文献
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Andrew Norris 《Metaphilosophy》2004,35(3):249-272
Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination. 相似文献
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