Morphological priming in the German mental lexicon.

We present results from cross-modal priming experiments on German participles and noun plurals. The experiments produced parallel results for both inflectional systems. Regular inflection exhibits full priming whereas irregularly inflected word forms show only partial priming: after hearing regularly inflected words (-t participles and -s plurals), lexical decision times on morphologically related word forms (presented visually) were similar to reaction times for a base-line condition in which prime and target were identical, but significantly shorter than in a control condition where prime and target were unrelated. In contrast, prior presentation of irregular words (-n participles and -er plurals) led to significantly longer response times on morphologically related word forms than the prior presentation of the target itself. Hence, there are clear priming differences between regularly and irregularly inflected German words. We compare the findings on German with experimental results on regular and irregular inflection in English and Italian, and discuss theoretical implications for single versus dual-mechanism models of inflection.     

Cross-linguistic evidence for morphological representation in the mental lexicon.

Three types of naturally occurring data address the question of morphological structure in the lexical entry: code-switching, novel forms, and speech errors. The data were collected from a wide variety of languages, including Austro-Polynesian, Semitic, and Altaic languages, and a heretofore untapped set of affixation types, including infixes, circumfixes, multiple affixes, reduplication, and nonconcatenative morphology. The data are used to argue for a dual-listing model of lexical representation (e.g., Pinker, 1991; Frauenfelder & Schreuder, 1992) over full-listing (e.g., Butterworth, 1983) and fully parsed (e.g., Taft & Forster, 1975) models. The paper posits three morphological parameters which are activated language-specifically.     

Syntactic priming: Investigating the mental representation of language

We argue that psycholinguistics should be concerned with both the representation and the processing of language. Recent experimental work on syntax in language comprehension has largely concentrated on the way in which language is processed, and has assumed that theoretical linguistics serves to determine the representation of language. In contrast, we advocate experimental work on the mental representation of grammatical knowledge, and argue that sybtactic priming is a promising way to do this. Syntactic priming is the phenomenon whereby exposure to a sentence with a particular syntactic construction can affect the subsequent processing of an otherwise unrelated sentence with the same (or, perhaps, related) structure, for reasons of that structure. We assess evidence for syntactic priming in corpora, and then consider experimental evidence for priming in production and comprehension, and for bidirectional priming between comprehension and production. This in particular strongly suggests that priming is tapping into linguistic knowledge itself, and is not just facilitating particular processes. The final section discusses the importance of priming evidence for any account of language construed as the mental representation of human linguistic capacities.The order of the first two authors is arbitrary. H.B. is supported by an EPSRC Postgraduate Studentship. M.P. is supported by a British Academy Postdoctoral Felowship. S.L. is supported by a University of Nottingham Postdoctoral Fellowship. A.S. was supported by British Academy Research Grant awarded to M.P. T.U. is in part supported by a Mellon Science Development Grant. We would like to thank Dave Elmes, Tyler Lorig, Matt Traxler, an anonymous reviewer, and members of the Sentence Processing Group, Human Communication Research Centre, Universities of Edinburgh and Glasgow.     

On the representation of Portuguese gender-inflected words in the mental lexicon

This study aims at verifying whether Portuguese gender-inflected nouns and adjectives are represented as full forms as suggested by Spanish data (Dominguez, Cuetos, & Segui, 1999). A series of lexical decision experiments is reported. Grammatical gender, frequency dominance, and grammatical category are manipulated and cumulative frequency is controlled. The results do not provide support for a full form representation of gender-inflected words. They suggest that grammatical category, or the nature of the inflectional process involved (lexical or syntactic), affects the way words are represented and accessed. Shorter recognition latencies were obtained for nouns drawn from Feminine dominant gender-inflected pairs than from Masculine dominant pairs whereas a tendency in the opposite direction was observed in adjectives. The effect of frequency dominance appears, nevertheless, to be restricted to feminine nouns. The data are compatible with the view that masculine nouns and adjectives are represented as gender-unmarked forms. These results are discussed in relation to current dual-access models of word recognition and to the notion of "interpretability" of lexico-syntactic features, as put forward in the Minimalist Program of Generative Linguistics.     

Inflectional and derivational morphology in the mental lexicon: Symmetries and asymmetries in repetition priming

Using a repetition priming paradigm, the interrelations between morphologically related words in the mental lexicon were examined in two experiments. In contrast to most previous studies, in which morphologically complex words occur as primes and stems as targets, derivationally and inflectionally complex forms were fully crossed in prime-target pairs. Experiment 1 showed asymmetries in the pattern of priming effects between different inflectional forms of German adjectives. Such asymmetries are problematic for any theory that assumes that all members of an inflectional paradigm share one entry in the mental lexicon. Experiment 2 contrasted derivational and inflectional variants of the same stems used in Experiment 1. Once again, there were same clear asymmetries in the pattern of priming effects. The implications of these results for models of lexical organization of inflectional and derivational morphology are discussed.     

Novel word integration in the mental lexicon: Evidence from unmasked and masked semantic priming

We sought to establish whether novel words can become integrated into existing semantic networks by teaching participants new meaningful words and then using these new words as primes in two semantic priming experiments, in which participants carried out a lexical decision task to familiar words. Importantly, at no point in training did the novel words co-occur with the familiar words that served as targets in the primed lexical decision task, allowing us to evaluate semantic priming in the absence of direct association. We found that familiar words were primed by the newly related novel words, both when the novel word prime was unmasked (Experiment 1) and when it was masked (Experiment 2), suggesting that the new words had been integrated into semantic memory. Furthermore, this integration was strongest after a 1-week delay and was independent of explicit recall of the novel word meanings: Forgetting of meanings did not attenuate priming. We argue that even after brief training, newly learned words become an integrated part of the adult mental lexicon rather than being episodically represented separately from the lexicon.     

The mental representation of lexical form: a phonological approach to the recognition lexicon

We propose a psycholinguistic model of lexical processing which incorporates both process and representation. The view of lexical access and selection that we advocate claims that these processes are conducted with respect to abstract underspecified phonological representations of lexical form. The abstract form of a given item in the recognition lexicon is an integrated segmental-featural representation, where all predictable and non-distinctive information is withheld. This means that listeners do not have available to them, as they process the speech input, a representation of the surface phonetic realisation of a given word-form. What determines performance is the abstract, underspecified representation with respect to which this surface string is being interpreted. These claims were tested by studying the interpretation of the same phonological feature, vowel nasality, in two languages, English and Bengali. The underlying status of this feature differs in the two languages; nasality is distinctive only in consonants in English, while both vowels and consonants contrast in nasality in Bengali. Both languages have an assimilation process which spreads nasality from a nasal consonant to the preceding vowel. A cross-linguistic gating study was conducted to investigate whether listeners would interpret nasal and oral vowels differently in two languages. The results show that surface phonetic nasality in the vowel in VN sequences is used by English listeners to anticipate the upcoming nasal consonant. In Bengali, however, nasality is initially interpreted as an underlying nasal vowel. Bengali listeners respond to CVN stimuli with words containing a nasal vowel, until they get information about the nasal consonant. In contrast, oral vowels in both languages are unspecified for nasality and are interpreted accordingly. Listeners in both languages respond with CVN words (which have phonetic nasality on the surface) as well as with CVC words while hearing an oral vowel. The results of this cross-linguistic study support, in detail, the hypothesis that the listener's interpretation of the speech input is in terms of an abstract underspecified representation of lexical form.     

The nature of the mental representation of radicals in Chinese: a priming study

Using a priming procedure, 4 experiments were carried out to investigate the effects of a short preexposure of a prime that was a radical or contained radicals identical to the target. Significant facilitation was found when the target contained the prime as a radical, although only for low-frequency targets which did not arise merely as a result of graphical similarity. Facilitation also occurred when the prime and target shared a radical in the same position but not when in different positions. When the prime and target had exactly the same radicals but in different positions, however, the priming effect was inhibitory. This set of results suggests that simple characters (radicals) and complex characters are represented at a different level.     

Form-based priming in spoken word recognition: the roles of competition and bias.

Phonological priming of spoken words refers to improved recognition of targets preceded by primes that share at least one of their constituent phonemes (e.g., BULL-BEER). Phonetic priming refers to reduced recognition of targets preceded by primes that share no phonemes with targets but are phonetically similar to targets (e.g., BULL-VEER). Five experiments were conducted to investigate the role of bias in phonological priming. Performance was compared across conditions of phonological and phonetic priming under a variety of procedural manipulations. Ss in phonological priming conditions systematically modified their responses on unrelated priming trials in perceptual identification, and they were slower and more errorful on unrelated trials in lexical decision than were Ss in phonetic priming conditions. Phonetic and phonological priming effects display different time courses and also different interactions with changes in proportion of related priming trials. Phonological priming involves bias; phonetic priming appears to reflect basic properties of activation and competition in spoken word recognition.     

Phonological abstraction in the mental lexicon

A perceptual learning experiment provides evidence that the mental lexicon cannot consist solely of detailed acoustic traces of recognition episodes. In a training lexical decision phase, listeners heard an ambiguous [f–s] fricative sound, replacing either [f] or [s] in words. In a test phase, listeners then made lexical decisions to visual targets following auditory primes. Critical materials were minimal pairs that could be a word with either [f] or [s] (cf. English knife–nice), none of which had been heard in training. Listeners interpreted the minimal pair words differently in the second phase according to the training received in the first phase. Therefore, lexically mediated retuning of phoneme perception not only influences categorical decisions about fricatives (Norris, McQueen, & Cutler, 2003), but also benefits recognition of words outside the training set. The observed generalization across words suggests that this retuning occurs prelexically. Therefore, lexical processing involves sublexical phonological abstraction, not only accumulation of acoustic episodes.     

Phonological access of the lexicon: evidence from associative priming with pseudohomophones.

Pseudohomophones were used in a primed naming task. In Experiments 1 and 2, target pseudowords that sounded like real words (e.g., CHARE) were preceded either by context words that related associatively to the word with which the target was homophonic (TABLE-CHARE) or by context words that were not associatively related (NOVEL-CHARE). Control pairs were TABLE-THARE and NOVEL-THARE (Experiment 1) and TABLE-CHARK and NOVEL-CHARK (Experiment 2). In relation to NOVEL, TABLE benefited the naming of CHARE but not the naming of THARE or CHARK. TAYBLE-CHAIR pairs were used in Experiment 3. If the prime TAYBLE activated/table/,then/chair/would be activated associatively and the target CHAIR would be named faster than if TARBLE was the prime. Experiment 4 extended the design of Experiment 3 to include TABLE-CHAIR pairs and a comparison of a short (280 ms) and a long (500 ms) delay between context and target onsets. The priming due to associated pseudohomophones was unaffected by onset asynchrony and equal in magnitude to that due to associated words. Results suggest that lexical representations are coded and accessed phonologically.     

Morphological units in the Arabic mental lexicon

Standard views of morphology in Modern Standard Arabic hold that surface word forms comprise at least two morphemes: a three-consonantal root conveying semantic meaning and a word pattern carrying syntactic information. An alternative account claims that semantic information is carried by a bi-consonantal morphological unit called the etymon. Accordingly, in the form [batara] the core meaning is carried not by the tri-consonantal root morpheme [btr] but by the etymon morpheme [b,t] which surfaces in other forms like [batta] "sever", [batala] "cut off" with the same meaning "cutting". Previous experimental research in Semitic languages has assumed the tri-consonantal root/word pattern approach. In cross-modal and masked priming experiments we ask whether the etymon, as a more fine-grained two-consonantal morphological unit, can yield the morphological priming effects typically obtained with tri-consonantal root morphemes. The results clearly show that two words sharing an etymon do facilitate each other both in cross-modal and masked priming even though they do not share a root, controlling for semantic and for form overlap effects. The bearing of these results on theories of morphological processing and representation is discussed.     

Common and modality-specific processes in the mental lexicon

Eight experiments were conducted to resolve: (1) empirical inconsistencies in repetition effects under intermodality conditions in word identification and lexical decision, and (2) an associated theoretical conflict concerning lexical organization. The results demonstrated that although more facilitation occurs under visual-prime/visual-test (VV) conditions than under auditory-prime/visual-test (AV) conditions, significant repetition facilitation also occurs under AV conditions. The results also indicated that: repetition effects observed for the VV and AV conditions apply to high- as well as to low-frequency words; they are insensitive to a variety of encoding tasks designed to emphasize different properties of words; and they are unaffected by differences in the ease of encoding of isolated auditory and visual words. The results are consistent with the existence of both modality-specific and common or modality-free processes in word recognition, in which word-frequency effects are restricted to the second and, by implication, lexical stage.     

Morphological units in the Arabic mental lexicon: evidence from an individual with deep dyslexia

An ongoing debate in Arabic morphology concerns the nature of the smallest unit governing lexical organization and representation in this language. A standard model maintains that Arabic words are typically analyzable into a three-consonantal root morpheme carrying the core meaning of words and a prosodic template responsible mostly for grammatical information. This view has been largely supported by research in both theoretical linguistics and psycholinguistics. An alternative theory holds that the meaning of words in Arabic is, rather, encoded in the 'etymon' comprising two unordered consonants of the root only. Results from a recent priming experiment have shown that the etymon induces strong morphological priming effects, supporting its morphological/lexical status. In this paper we present data from a patient with deep dyslexia questioning the role of the etymon as a psychologically real representational unit in Arabic and arguing, instead, for the central role of the root in both morphological and lexical representation in this language.     

The role of prosody in the mental lexicon.

Current models of spoken word recognition take into account factors such as word frequency, word onset cohort size, and phonological neighborhood density. Using the word onset gating technique we tested word recognition when bandpass filtering was used to allow subjects to hear the full prosodic pattern of a word (number of syllables and syllabic stress), deprived of segmental information beyond that contained in the onset gate. Subjects also heard either word onsets plus duration information or only word onsets. Results suggest that word prosody is represented in the mental lexicon and is effectively used by listeners in spoken word recognition.     

Representation in the mental lexicon: Implications for theories of the generation effect

Three experiments investigated the finding by McElroy and Slamecka (1982) that the “generation effect” (the retention advantage for self-produced over read items) is not obtained when artificial, meaningless nonwords are used as the to-be-remembered items. In Experiment 1, some subjects were asked to generate or read items that they thought were words, but, in fact, were not; no generation effect was found. In Experiment 2, subjects were taught definitions to experimenter-created items. Despite the fact that these subjects could readily retrieve each item’s assigned semantic properties, no generation effect was found. Finally, Experiment 3 examined the read]generate variable as a function of an item’s frequency of use in the language. Whereas medium- and high-frequency words produced large generation effects, no comparable effects were found for low-frequency words or nonwords. These results indicate that representation in the mental lexicon is a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for the generation effect. Rather, it may be necessary to consider how related the generated item is to other potential retrieval cues in the memory system.     

The processing of lexical ambiguity: homonymy and polysemy in the mental lexicon

Under the theoretical assumption that lexical ambiguity is not a homogeneous phenomenon, but rather that it is subdivided into two distinct types, namely homonymy and polysemy, the present study investigated whether these different types of lexical ambiguity are psychologically real. Four types of ambiguous words, homonymous words (e.g., "pen"), polysemous words with metaphorical extensions (e.g., "eye"), polysemous words with a count/mass metonymic extension (e.g., "turkey"), and polysemous words with a producer/product metonymic extension (e.g., "Dali"), were used in a cross-modal sentence-priming lexical decision task. Overall, the theoretical distinction between homonymy and polysemy was reflected in the results of the present study, which revealed differential processing depending on the type of ambiguity.     

Evidence for frequency-based constituents in the mental lexicon: collocations involving the word of

In this paper, it is hypothesized that units larger than the traditional word, such as two-word collocations and phrases, may be stored in the mental lexicon and accessed holistically. Following previously published work on the Network or Usage-based model of lexical storage (Bybee, 1985, 1995), we suggest that the mechanism determining this constituency is the frequency with which items occur together in natural, connected speech: the collocational frequency. The present study uses a word-monitoring paradigm to investigate reaction times to the English function word of in collocations of varying levels of frequency. A significant effect of collocational frequency was observed; response latencies were longer when the target word of occurred in the very frequent collocations, indicating holistic processing of the frequent phrases. Furthermore, response latencies presented here are considerably longer than those reported in previous studies. This is explained as a result of the hypothesized holistic representation as well as a function of the use of stimuli extracted from natural conversation.     

Representation of grammatical properties of Italian verbs in the mental lexicon

The present study focuses on the representation of verbs in the Italian mental lexicon and investigates some grammatical properties: inflectional class, mood, tense, and person. Two experiments based on free recall of single inflected forms are reported. The patterns of recall and error are taken as evidence for the grammatical and morphological information exploited in the access to the verb forms. The pattern of results provides support for the hypothesis that in the mental lexicon the information about conjugation and mood is an organizational criterion for the representation of verbal forms. An interaction between mood and conjugation, likely to arise from the difference in productivity between conjugations, is also observed.     

The mapping from sound structure to the lexicon in aphasia: evidence from rhyme and repetition priming

Two studies were conducted to explore the hypothesis that Broca's and Wernicke's aphasics have deficits arising from the processes involved in activating the lexicon from phonological form. The first study explored whether phonologically similar lexical entries differing only in their initial consonants show "rhyme priming." Results revealed that Broca's aphasics failed to show facilitation when the target was identical to the prime (i.e. identity priming) and they showed significant inhibition when targets were preceded by rhyming words. Wernicke's aphasics showed a pattern of results similar to that of normal subjects, i.e., identity priming and rhyme priming as well as significantly slower reaction-times in the rhyming condition compared to the identity condition. The second study investigated form-based repetition priming in aphasic patients at a number of intervals including when no other stimuli intervened between repeated stimuli (0 lag) or when 4, 8, or 12 stimuli intervened. Results showed that, unlike old normal subjects who showed repetition priming for both words and nonwords, both Broca's and Wernicke's aphasics showed repetition priming for word targets only. Moreover, in contrast to old normal subjects who showed a greater magnitude of priming at 0 lag for word targets, neither Broca's aphasics or Wernicke's aphasics showed priming at 0 lag. Implications of these findings are considered with respect to the hypotheses that Broca's and Wernicke's aphasics have deficits in the nature of the activation patterns within the lexicon itself and in auditory (working) memory.