政由谁出 政治何为——孔子政治哲学新论

政由谁出与政治何为是政治哲学的两大核心议题,孔子对其作出深刻思考并给出了明确回答.孔子的私学教育致力于培养具有完美道德品格的士人君子,而在他的新政治构想中,士人君子是治国为政的理想主体,其资格的正当性就来自君子所具备的人格特征与精神品格.孔子基于人类"性相近,习相远"的复杂特性提出"学以致其道",在不破坏人类习性多样性...     

"弥罗斯对话"的正义难题

在西方政治思想史上,修昔底德<战争志>所记述的"弥罗斯对话"一直是个众说纷纭的政治议题.本文详细阐释这场"对话"所呈现的正义诉求与公平、安全、利益、希望和羞耻的多重纠葛;认为弥罗斯人所代表的斯巴达式"神圣"信仰与雅典式"人的自然"信念之间的对峙达至一个最高点,而雅典人在国际政治中始终是"自然之必然"的践履者.     

"竹林七贤"名号之流传与东晋中前期政局

"竹林七贤"之名号,自史学大家陈寅恪提出是东晋士人比附佛教内典而成,并非历史事实后,在学术界引起了广泛的争议和讨论.本文仔细爬梳了有关史料,指出最早记载"竹林七贤"名号的是出自西晋末期、至迟是两晋之交时期的<魏纪>.而其在流传过程中引发的种种争议,与东晋初期琅琊王氏、颍川庾氏、陈郡谢氏三大家族的矛盾密切相关.     

"为政以德":孔子政治伦理思想的内在逻辑理路——从美德政治学的角度看

孔子在社会理想上憧憬"大同"之世,在现实的政治治理上则向往以亲情关系为主轴的家国一体的周礼之治,力图使政治社会成为一个"道德的团体",所以,"为政以德"成为其政治伦理思想的核心.礼制是其对社会基本结构的设计,义乃政治治理的价值目标,孝悌是政德之根,仁为诸政德之全体大用,所以,其政治伦理思想内含一种内在逻辑结构,同时又表现出典型的美德政治学的特征.     

“安乐窝”的文化阐释——对于邵雍话语及其语境的学术考察

"安乐窝"是北宋体制外士人邵雍的一个独创性话语。这个话语看似简单质朴,其实根源于深刻的时代背景,反映着北宋社会诸多鲜明的时代特征。首先,"安乐窝"话语是北宋政治安定、百姓安居乐业的表现,而这则源于宋初政治的文明化、理性化的深刻浸润;其次,"安乐窝"话语是北宋士人良好生活境遇的愉悦表达,而这则源于北宋统治者"以儒治国"的为政理念;再次,"安乐窝"话语是邵雍对儒道两家的"安乐"思想兼收并蓄的产物,而这则源于北宋儒释道融合的社会环境;最后,"安乐窝"话语与洛阳密不可分,洛阳浓厚的人文氛围为"安乐窝"话语的传播提供了先天之便利。     

论康德的"公共性"及其理论价值

在学术界对康德思想的讨论中,"公共性"问题却被忽略.而这恰恰是把握康德政治哲学特质的关键所在.在康德看来,任何政治判断都应该是一次"启蒙".而启蒙必须以公共性为中介.正是由于理性的公共使用,政治判断才有可能成为批判的、辩论的共识,进而才能获得深厚的民情民意基础.基于这种认识,康德颠覆了传统意义上的"公共性"并赋予其新的意涵,从而凸显了"公共性"的理论价值及其在康德思想体系中的转向意义.     

唐宋孟子诠释之演进与孟子升格运动CSSCI

唐宋间的孟子升格运动主要是在古文运动的思想脉络中不断展开并最终获得朝廷肯定的,而其间士人对于孟子的解读也在不断转变。早期古文运动虽然认定孟子传道,但诸人实际上仍将《孟子》看作羽翼六经之作,并因古文运动的文学写作需求而重视孟子之"文",而古文运动对孟子最看重的一点,也是孟子升格运动获得朝廷肯定的主要原因,是孟子的排辟异端之功。随着庆历之后新儒学的不断发展,其对于孟子之"道"的探讨日益深入,孟子在"治道"上的贡献和在性命之学上的巨大诠释潜能都不断得以凸显,孟子精于治道和善说性命的两面在庆历以至于宋神宗的这段时期内呈现出一段时间的分裂,直到王安石新学和理学都努力连接"内圣"和"外王",孟子的这两面形象才逐渐绾合。此时,孟子之于"文"的启发性、《孟子》乃六经之羽翼的看法逐渐淡出士人的视野,且士人对孟子排辟异端之功的评价也有所转变,孟子逐步趋于全面圣人化,并最终取代颜子成为"亚圣"。     

政治理论领域中的"亚里士多德革命"

经历了数百年的"黑暗时代",公元12世纪初之后的近200年,亚里士多德著作先是经过阿拉伯文转译,后来经过希腊文翻译,重新为西方所知晓.亚里士多德理论与基督教信仰和神学构成了全面而深刻的冲突.在政治理论领域体现为亚里士多德理论与奥古斯丁政治传统的冲突.阿奎那的百科全书式神学/哲学体系力图调和亚里士多德理论与基督教神学,教会对阿奎那体系的承认标志着亚里士多德理论的合法化.合法化后的亚里士多德理论爆发出了教会未曾逆料的政治后果,不仅政治学逐渐成为一门独立于神学的学科,生发出许多与现代早期政治理论直接相关的重大论题,而且在教权与王权的斗争中,王权派逐渐占据上风,王国成为"政治实体",为现代民族国家的产生奠定了坚实的形而上学基础."国家论"在此过程中占据了政治理论舞台的中心.     

程颐"格物致知"思想新探

程颐在表彰<大学>时重点对其中的"格物致知"思想作了诠释发挥.在程颐"格物致知"思想中,所格之"物"主要不是客观世界的"物",而是道德世界的"事",因此所致之"知"并非关于外部客观世界的"知识";程颐所格之"物"虽然主要是道德世界的"事理",但格物的方式--"思"实质上发挥着变化气质而使内在天理呈显的作用,因此所致之"知"也不是关于道德的知识或道德意识,而同样是对内在固有道德本性("天理")的明觉.     

唐宋孟子诠释之演进与孟子升格运动

唐宋间的孟子升格运动主要是在古文运动的思想脉络中不断展开并最终获得朝廷肯定的,而其间士人对于孟子的解读也在不断转变。早期古文运动虽然认定孟子传道,但诸人实际上仍将《孟子》看作羽翼六经之作,并因古文运动的文学写作需求而重视孟子之"文",而古文运动对孟子最看重的一点,也是孟子升格运动获得朝廷肯定的主要原因,是孟子的排辟异端之功。随着庆历之后新儒学的不断发展,其对于孟子之"道"的探讨日益深入,孟子在"治道"上的贡献和在性命之学上的巨大诠释潜能都不断得以凸显,孟子精于治道和善说性命的两面在庆历以至于宋神宗的这段时期内呈现出一段时间的分裂,直到王安石新学和理学都努力连接"内圣"和"外王",孟子的这两面形象才逐渐绾合。此时,孟子之于"文"的启发性、《孟子》乃六经之羽翼的看法逐渐淡出士人的视野,且士人对孟子排辟异端之功的评价也有所转变,孟子逐步趋于全面圣人化,并最终取代颜子成为"亚圣"。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.