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随着恶性肿瘤对人类健康的威胁越来越显著,人们强烈希望能够控制癌症,1971年美国开始实行的国家癌症计划是这种希望的重要表示.该计划执行机构国家癌症研究所(NCI)的研究经费在过去30多年中增加了30多倍,但是肿瘤对人类的威胁并没有减轻.一批学者对计划指挥者的严厉批评也许对我国癌症控制能够提供一些启发.癌症预防联盟(CPC)发表的一篇报告认为由于NCI和ACS的渎职,我们输掉了这场本可以获胜的战争.癌症预防是降低癌症发病率的重要途径,一级预防是赢得这场抗癌之战的关键.我国的癌症控制策略应该借鉴美国的教训,把降低癌症发病率的重心放在减少环境中致癌物质污染、个体尽可能远离致癌物质的一级预防上.  相似文献   

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论《孙子兵法》蕴涵的精英战略思维   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
孙子是战略研究的鼻祖。孙子关注精英在政治、军事领域中的活动。《孙子兵法》蕴涵了独具特色的精英战略思维。孙子精英战略思维的主体主要有九个可操作性策略构成;第一,误导敌之精英决策层;第二,拉拢和控制敌之精英;第三,腐蚀敌之精英;第四,疲扰敌之精英;第五,离间敌之精英;第六,争夺敌之精英;第七,妖魔化敌之精英;第八,破坏敌之精英心理;第九,敌之精英逆我者亡。孙子的精英战略思维可以创造一种优良的战略态势。  相似文献   

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Treatment with families of veterans suffering from the aftereffects of combat trauma in the Vietnam War often requires a preliminary phase of disjoint treatment, in which family members are seen separately, before conjoint treatment can proceed. In this disjoint phase of treatment, wives and children are introduced to the brutal realities of Vietnam combat experience and to an understanding of its sequelae. This disjoint phase of family therapy detoxifies combat experience so that it can be approached in subsequent conjoint sessions along with more traditional family therapy issues.  相似文献   

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Abstract: The Bush administration's military war on terrorism is a blunt, ineffective, and unjust response to the threat posed to innocent civilians by terrorism. Decentralized terrorist networks can only be effectively fought by international cooperation among police and intelligence agencies representing diverse nation‐states, including ones with predominantly Islamic populations. The Bush administration's allegations of a global Islamist terrorist threat to the national interests of the United States misread the decentralized and complex nature of Islamist politics. Undoubtedly there exists a “combat fundamentalist” element within Islamism. But the threat posed to U.S. citizens by Islamist terrorism neither necessitates nor justifies as a response massive military invasions of other nations. Not only does the Bush administration's war on alleged “terrorist states” violate the doctrine of just war, but in addition these wars arise from a new, unilateral, imperial foreign‐policy doctrine of “preventive wars.” Such a doctrine will isolate the United States from international institutions and long‐standing allies. The weakening of these institutions and alliances will only weaken the ability of the international community to deter terrorism.  相似文献   

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朱斌 《孔子研究》2020,(3):117-125
钱穆是20世纪中国学术史中对宋明理学颇为同情的学者,然而早期却以"考据派"面目进入学界并得到认可。抗战时期,学风因时局而发生汉、宋转变,"为学术而学术"的新汉学式微,以家国天下为己任的理学地位上升。随着学风的改变,钱穆个人对理学的认同更加清晰,并在齐鲁大学国学所完成思考与转变。在此期间,由于经世情怀的驱使,钱穆与政治人物多有接触,并发表许多政论文章,直接表达政治主张。他寻找中国存在的意义,为中国不会灭亡寻求文化原因,由史学研究转向文化研究,对当时乃至后世学术发展都产生了深远的影响。  相似文献   

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正义的战争与战争的正义——关于战争伦理的反思   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
战争可以定义为两个或两个以上的国家间的有组织的政治暴力。根据战争的目的、过程和结果,战争伦理大致包括“战争权利伦理”、“战争行为伦理”和“战争责任伦理”三个方面。在战争伦理中最重要的是所谓“正义”问题。“正义”与“非正义”这对概念并非规定战争的客观性质,而是一种煽动人们拥战或反战热情的主观态度和伦理立场的表达。  相似文献   

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《孙膑兵法》的流传、失传及研究价值初探   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文通过考察《孙膑兵法》的流传情况、分析其失传原因,认为《孙膑兵法》的根本价值在于对《孙子兵法》的诠释,同时,对佚而复出的古书源流研究提出新的思考。  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Although Asian Americans are diverse in many ways, such as language, culture, ethnicity, religion, generational status, and more, many share a common experience: that of having experienced war first hand or being progeny of war survivors. World War II, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the Cambodian genocide, along with centuries of oppressive and authoritarian rule, have brought experiences of trauma, directly and historically, to the lives of many Asians. Subsequent experiences of migration and resettlement, as well as life in the United States as an ethnic minority, have also compounded the layers of oppression for many Asian Americans. Sexism in our cultures of origin, as well as sexism in the U.S., represents additional realities and traumas faced by Asian American women. In this article, we explore the experiences of war and subsequent traumas in the lives of Asian American women. We present a brief review of the current state of mental health as it relates to the experiences of war trauma, with the goal of providing a crucial contextual backdrop for our review of the best practices in mental health services to Asian American women. We review some of the best practices and conclude with a narrative reflection based on our own involvement in a small professional women’s group that yielded insights, discoveries, healing, and empowerment from the legacy of war trauma.  相似文献   

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通过明治维新,日本历史由封建社会过渡到近代资本主义社会。20世纪初,以天皇为首的地主资产阶级政权进入帝国主义阶段。日本帝国主义是带有军事封建性质的帝国主义,对内实行残酷的封建主义和资本主义双重压迫和剥削,对外进行侵略扩张,在对中国、朝鲜和其他国家发动的野蛮的侵略战争中犯下了累累罪行。在近代历史的转变过程中,日本佛教也由江户时期的“准国教”下降为神道教的附庸。面对局势的变化和自身地位的衰落,佛教界也开始谋求新的出路。从总体上看,20世纪前半叶日本佛教的绝大部分宗派都积极追随军国主义政府,提倡迎合统治者需要的“…  相似文献   

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This essay responds to James Turner Johnson's critiques of my argument in “‘Never Again War’: Recent Shifts in the Roman Catholic Just War Tradition and the Question of ‘Functional Pacifism.’” (2014). It attends specifically to three of Johnson's objections and offers accounts of the meaning and use of the term “functional pacifism,” an understanding of classic just war thought as a tradition, and the concepts of peace and authority within just war and pacifist thought. It argues that my analysis of the Catholic Church's movement toward pacifism but ultimate theological inability to embrace a functional pacifism still stands in spite of Johnson's critiques. In addition, it suggests that Johnson offers a thin pacifistic conception of peace and promotes a restricted notion of ecclesial authority and democratic government.  相似文献   

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This essay discusses four recent books on the Western, and one book on the classical Chinese, traditions of just war. It concentrates on the jus ad bellum moral criteria (legitimate authority, just cause, and right intention), giving attention to the centrality of the state in just war morality, to some challenges in reconceptualizing the jus ad bellum in the context of non‐state agents, and to controversies over a “presumption against war.”  相似文献   

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