读王家台秦墓竹简"易占"札记

有些学者认为,王家台秦基竹简"易占"可能有两个不同的抄本,但实际上并非如此,秦简"易占"少督卦中的"口小于",有人认为是"周小子",但我们认为更有可能是"晋小子","易占"右卦中的"平公",比较一致的看法是"宋平公",但我们认为是"晋平公"的可能性更大;秦简"易占"可能真的如有的学者所说即是汲冢‘易繇阴阳卦>,而且秦简"易占"或<易繇阴阳卦>可能与汲冢书中的其他"杂碎怪妄"之书大有关联.如果秦简"易占"涉及晋小子、晋平公的观点成立的话,则其与殷易<归藏>不相关的材料就更多,其是否为殷易<归藏>就更值得怀疑了.     

《易纬·稽览图》"一爻直一日"卦气术考

<易纬·稽览图>卷下载有一种"一爻直一日"的卦气占术,还少见学者讨论.本文对这一占术作了梳理,并对其特点、流传作了初步考察.与<稽览图>卷下"六日七分"卦气术不同,<稽览图>"一爻直一日"的卦气术,与焦赣"焦林直日"卦气说有密切的关系,二者可能同属于<连山><归藏>系统.此术至唐一直在流传.     

论楚竹书《周易》"讦"之卦义

上海博物馆藏战国楚竹书本<周易>简35-36为<讦>卦,其"讦"字凡八见,传本<周易>作"蹇",阜阳汉简本、帛书本均作" ",汉石经则作" 寋 ";又王逸注<楚辞·离骚>、李善注<文选·辨亡论>等,则引<蹇>六二"王臣蹇蹇"作"王臣謇謇",是"蹇"似又可通"謇",异文甚多.<易传>释"蹇"为"难",后世注家多从之.惟考时贤所论,颇有以竹书本之"讦"为正,释<蹇>为专言直谏之卦者.今不揣谫陋,拟为"蹇"之异文作一平议,并就文献征例、卦爻辞义、卦序结构、卦象诸端,考辨<周易>"蹇"之确义.     

楚简《周易》"不家而食"新解

本文讨论楚简<周易>"不家而食"的文字与理解问题.认为楚简<大畜>卦所见"而"字不是衍文,其中"家"字宜读为"稼"."不家食"与<无妄>卦"不耕获"结构相类,可理解为"不稼而食"、"不耕而获".     

论帛书《要》篇"《损》《益》说"的两个问题

马王堆帛书<要>篇有一段孔子论"<损><益>"之卦的完整的话,节录如下: 孔子籀<易>,至于<损><益>一卦,未尚不废书而叹,戒门弟子曰:二三子,夫<损><益>之道,不司不审察也,吉凶之<门>也.     

《杂卦传》真的存在错简吗

自东汉以来,多数易学家认为<杂卦传>末尾八个卦存在错简.其主要依据有两点:一是这八个卦不依"二二相耦,非覆即变"方式排列;二是这八个卦的<杂卦传>传文也不叶(协)韵.然而,虞翻、干宝等则以为,此八卦不依"非覆即变"方式而成杂乱排列,体现了某种深义;另有一些通音韵的易学家也考证出相反结论,认为<杂卦传>末尾八个卦是叶韵的.所以,简单地以是否按"非覆即变"排列和是否叶韵来考察<杂卦传>的错简问题,是靠不住的.当代学者对<杂卦传>错简说做出了进一步的证明与推测,但理由同样不能成立.前贤对于<杂卦传>错简问题之所以争论不休,原因在于对<杂卦传>内在的象数结构与规律及其体现的深层思想缺乏认识.<杂卦传>卦序效法的是昼夜变化之道,依其内在的象数结构,可分为上、下、杂三篇,表明<杂卦传>的传承是完整无缺的,"错简"说不能成立.<周易折中>针对<杂卦传>提出的互卦与循环互卦的观点,也明白无误地证明了这一点.     

"象形""会意"思维与《周易》

"象形""会意"等造字思维乃中国传统思维模式滥觞和原型,其对<周易>形成和发展具有内在而深刻影响:"书卦同源"主要体现在思维方式上,且"书"之发生在前,是为本源;<易>之经文是对卦爻象的意解,主要是运用会意思维的结果;<易传>之<象>主要倾向象形思维,<彖>为会意思维.     

是"初筮吉",还是"初筮告"——《周易》蒙卦卦辞异文辨析

通行本和<集解>本蒙卦卦辞"初筮告,再三渎,渎则不告"中的"告",帛书本和汉石经皆作"吉".自帛书<周易>出土以来,有许多学者开始脱离传统的看法,而越来越倾向于以帛书本和汉石经的"吉"字作为正解.然而.从蒙卦卦辞的文意来看,还是以作"告"字是;从赞同以帛书作"吉"为长的各种观点来看.他们其实也并没有提出可以站得住脚的论据.虽然帛书<缪和>的确已将蒙卦卦辞的"告"解作"吉"字,但这种解法实际上是对蒙卦卦辞的篡改、曲解或误读;就笔者有限所见,在各种主要传世文献中,至少从西汉时代起,就基本上是将蒙卦卦辞解作"告",而非解作"吉"的.说明作"青"解读的帛书本和汉石经本并非主流版本.     

胡煦之"体卦主爻说"及对"卦变说"与"错综说"之批评

胡煦是清初一位有独到见解的易学家,他考镜源流,参以心得,深契易理.胡煦根据<周易>建立的一套很精深的生成论哲学,不仅具有解经的意义,更含有哲学的意味.他提出的"体卦主爻说"比较严密地说明了卦爻的生成与变化,对<周易>中"内外往来,上下终始"的解释更为合理,更为贯通,从根本上纠正了"卦变说"与"错综说"之误,在易学史上具有重要价值.     

帛书《周易》卦序与宇宙论

帛书<周易>六十四卦卦序以上下卦相重,反映了卦的变化的思想,其上卦体现了"分阴分阳"的阴阳分类观念,其下卦则既体现了阴阳交错、阴阳相配的观念,又体现了正位的观念.更重要的是,帛<易>八卦序列与<大戴礼记·易本命>、<孔子家语·执辔>等典籍中所暗含的具有独特宇宙论意义的八卦序列具有相关性,由此我们提出一种设想,帛<易>八卦序列很可能反映的也是这种独特宇宙论思想.     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.