书面字形在汉语低年级儿童口语词汇学习中的作用

采用配对联想学习范式, 通过2个实验, 系统考察了书面字形在汉语低年级儿童口语词汇学习中的作用。实验一以40名二年级学生为研究对象, 控制了假字的形旁透明度, 操纵了声旁的规则性, 要求儿童分别在规则字、不规则字和无字形条件下学习4个新异物体的名称, 结果发现呈现不规则汉字阻碍了儿童口语词汇的学习;实验二以27名一年级学生为研究对象, 采用相同的配对联想学习范式, 同时操纵了假字的声旁规则性和形旁透明度, 再次发现了不规则汉字的阻碍效应, 并且发现透明形旁对口语词汇学习的促进作用。整个研究表明, 书面字形在汉语儿童口语词汇学习中具有重要作用, 这对今后的教学实践和理论研究都具有重要启示意义。     

不同阅读水平儿童的汉字字形输出与再认

实验采用与和选择任务,对比研究了不同阅读水平儿童在汉字字形输出和再认过程中的共同点和差异。结果发现：汉字声旁的规则必影响所有阅读水平儿童听写和听选择的正确和率错误率;阅读水平低的儿童阅读水平高的儿童产生更多的同音替代;与阅读水平高的儿童相比,阅读水平低的儿童更加需要线性的帮助。文章从心理词典结构和字词加工的角度探讨了这种差异的理论含义。     

二、三和五年级儿童对形旁语义的加工

结合启动范式和汉字判断任务,通过操纵目标字语义透明度,在汉字阅读过程探查了二、三、五年级儿童对形旁语义的加工。采用 3×2×2 混合实验设计,自变量为被试类型（小学二、三、五年级儿童）、启动字类型（字形相关 vs. 无关）和目标字类型（透明字 vs. 模糊字）。结果发现启动字类型、目标字类型和年级三者交互作用显著。随后分析在三五年级儿童中发现了显著的独立于字形的形旁语义启动效应,启动字中的共享形旁对模糊字的识别产生了更大的抑制作用,而在二年级儿童中并没有发现这种效应。说明形旁语义在儿童的心理词典中存在独立表征,可以被激活并促进儿童对汉字的识别,但是需要儿童的阅读理解能力发展到一定程度。     

不同汉字解码技能与小学生阅读理解的关系

探讨不同汉字解码技能在小学生阅读理解发展中的作用。208名二、四年级学生完成了认读准确性、流利性、声旁意识、形旁意识等汉字解码技能测验及阅读理解和言语理解测验。结果表明,汉字解码技能是阅读理解变异的重要来源。汉字认读准确性对二、四年级学生的阅读理解均有显著的独立贡献,汉字认读流利性仅对二年级学生有显著的独立贡献,声旁与形旁意识没有显著的独立贡献。结果对认识儿童阅读发展及有效促进阅读学习具有启示。     

汉字识别中亚词汇语音和语义信息在N170上的神经适应

视觉词汇识别的事件相关电位(ERP)研究发现早期的脑电成分N170具有对词汇的敏感性, 可能反映了字形、语音和语义加工, 目前还没有得到统一的结论。本研究利用汉字形声字声旁表音和形旁表义的独特性, 使用神经适应范式深入考察了N170对汉字亚词汇语音和语义信息的敏感性。实验1操纵了连续汉字的声旁和整字读音重复呈现探究其诱发的神经适应性, 结果发现了左侧电极的N170对声旁和整字读音重复都产生了神经适应。实验2进一步操纵形旁和整字语义的重复呈现, 结果发现左侧N170仅对整字语义相似性具有神经适应性, 而右侧N170对形旁和整字语义重复都产生了神经适应。实验结果表明, 左侧N170不仅对整字语音和语义信息敏感, 还对亚词汇的声旁信息敏感; 而右侧N170对整字语义以及亚词汇的形旁信息敏感。     

声旁规则性对命名声旁和整字的影响

探讨声旁规则性对命名声旁或整字的影响,在速示与慢示呈现条件下命名声旁或汉字。结果发现：（1）声旁命名在速示呈现时因规则声旁易化;慢示呈现时无显著规则性效应,但受声旁部件数影响;（2）在两种呈现条件下,命名含不表音声旁字的反应时最快,错误率最低;命名含单部件、高频声旁字的反应时慢,错误率高;命名含多部件、低频声旁字的反应时快,错误率低。说明是声旁规则性对声旁命名有易化作用;对整字命名有干扰作用,但与声旁频率与部件数有关。     

形旁和声旁在形声字识别中的作用

形声字是由表示意义范畴的义符(形旁)和表示发音信息的声符(声旁)组合而成, 以往研究虽然肯定了声旁在形声字加工中的作用, 但对形旁的作用仍存在一定争议。结合行为和脑电技术, 采用汉字判断任务, 以形旁和声旁均为独体字的形声字作为实验材料, 通过操纵形旁频率和声旁频率, 本研究进一步探讨了形旁和声旁在形声字识别中的作用。行为结果(实验1)发现形旁频率并未引发反应时和错误率上的显著变化, 而声旁频率在反应时和错误率上均产生了显著的效应, 相对于低频声旁, 高频声旁条件下的反应时更长、错误率更高。脑电结果(实验2)发现, 相对于低频形旁, 高频形旁在前脑区引发了一个波幅更小的N400; 而声旁频率不仅可以在全部脑区引发N400的变化, 同时在左脑的前、中脑区引发了P200的变化。相对于低频声旁, 高频声旁所引发的P200波幅更小, N400波幅更大。两实验结果说明, 在形声字识别中, 形旁和声旁均可以产生作用, 但形旁的激活时间要晚于声旁, 且作用相对较弱。     

儿童汉字读音声旁一致性意识的发展

采用同音判断的方法,考察儿童对汉字读音声旁一致性意识的发展。一个熟悉字和一个不熟悉字共用同一个声旁,该声旁在提示整字发音时可以是一致的,即包含此声旁的所有汉字都发音相同,也可以是不一致的。要求儿童猜测不熟悉字的读音,作出它与熟悉字“是”、“否”同音的判断。结果发现,儿童很早就意识到汉字的结构以及声旁和形旁在表音、表义功能上的分工。随着年级的升高,声旁一致性对猜测不熟悉汉字读音的影响增强。小学四年级语文能力较高的儿童已经开始意识到声旁的一致性;六年级儿童总体上说来已发展了一致性意识。初二年级的学生发展了声旁一致性意识,且没有能力差异。大学生的声旁一致性意识最强。     

形旁家族、声旁家族和高频同声旁字对形声字识别的影响

通过3个实验,考察形旁家族、声旁家族和高频同声旁字对汉字形声字识别的影响。实验1考察形旁家族大小及声旁语音信息的作用。实验2和实验3考察声旁家族大小和高频同声旁字的作用。结果发现,形旁家族和声旁家族大对形声字识别起促进作用;高频同声旁字在使用假字时起抑制作用,在使用非字时无作用;在使用假字时,形旁家族小时识别声旁不可发音的字快于识别声旁可发音的字。研究结果支持字词识别的交互激活模型     

三、五年级儿童形声字识别中形旁和声旁家族效应

采用2（年级）×2（声旁家族大小）×2（形旁家族大小）三因素混合实验设计,在形声字识别中考察了三、五年级儿童的形旁和声旁家族效应。结果仅在三年级中发现了显著的形旁家族大小效应,而五年级中却没有发现。但两个年级中形旁和声旁家族的交互作用均显著。进一步分析发现在声旁处于大家族时,形旁也处于大家族时,三、五年级儿童的反应时更快。此结果说明声旁和形旁家族共同影响形声字识别,但在三年级儿童中,形旁家族效应可以不依赖于声旁家族单独发挥作用,五年级儿童中却没有独立的形旁家族效应。     

Comparison of brain mechanisms underlying the processing of Chinese characters and pseudo-characters: an event-related potential study

Most Chinese characters are composed of a semantic radical on the left and a phonetic radical on the right. The semantic radical provides the semantic information; the phonetic radical provides information concerning the pronunciation of the whole character. The pseudo‐characters in the study consisted of different sub‐lexical parts of real Chinese characters and consequently they also had the semantic radical and the phonetic radical. But they were not readable and had no actual meaning. In order to investigate the spatiotemporal cortical activation patterns underlying the orthographic, phonological and semantic processing of Chinese characters, we used event‐related brain potentials (ERPs) to explore the processing of Chinese characters and pseudo‐characters when 14 healthy Chinese college students viewed the characters passively. Results showed that both Chinese characters and pseudo‐characters elicited an evident negative potential peaking around 120 ms (N120), which appeared to reflect initial orthographic distinction and evaluation. Then, Chinese pseudo‐characters elicited a more positive ERP deflection (P220) than did Chinese characters 200–250 ms after onset of the stimuli. It was similar to the recognition potential (RP) and might reflect the integration processes of phonological and semantic processing on the basis of early orthographic information. Dipole source analysis of the difference wave (pseudo‐characters minus characters) indicated that a generator localized in the left temporal‐occipital junction contributed to this effect, which was possibly related to phonological and perceptual–semantic information integration. Between 350–450 ms, a greater negativity (N360) in pseudo‐characters as compared to characters was found over midline fronto‐central scalp regions. Dipole analysis localized the generator of N360 in the right parahippocampal cortex. Therefore, the N360 might be an N400 component and reflect the higher‐level semantic activation on the basis of orthographic, phonological and perceptual–semantic processing.     

声旁语音信息对形声字加工的影响——来自眼动研究的证据

与拼音文字不同, 汉字是形义结合更紧密的文字, 因此语音信息在语义通达中的作用一直是汉语加工研究中存在争议的问题。形声字作为汉字的主体(80%), 其声旁在一定程度上提供了字的语音信息, 本文通过两项眼动研究考察了左右结构和上下结构形声字的声旁语音信息对形声字加工的影响。结果发现, 当声旁在右或声旁在下时, 省前与略后条件没有显著差异, 甚至出现差异的逆转, 也就是说当略后的笔画中包含声旁时, 亚词汇层面的声旁语音信息会影响到“笔画顺序效应”, 实验结果说明声旁的语音信息对形声字的加工起到重要作用。     

Use of parafoveally visible characters during the reading of Chinese sentences

Chinese readers' use of parafoveal character previews was examined. In Experiment 1, the preview of target characters consisted of targets or of graphemically similar, homophonic, or dissimilar characters. Each preview was replaced with the corresponding target when the eyes reached the target location. Oculomotor measures revealed preview benefits for targets, for graphemically similar characters, and for homophonic characters. Experiment 2 showed that parafoveal preview of graphemically similar characters yielded benefits primarily when they shared the phonetic radical with their targets. The phonological relationship between previewed radicals and subsequently viewed targets was ineffective. Chinese character processing thus involves the initial use of orthographic information from the phonetic radical and the activation of the character's phonological form.     

Holistic versus analytic processing: Evidence for a different approach to processing of Chinese at the word and character levels in Chinese children

Among 30 Hong Kong Chinese fourth graders, sensitivities to character and word constructions were examined in judgment tasks at each level. There were three conditions across both tasks: the real condition, consisting of either actual two-character compound Chinese words or real Chinese compound characters; the reversed condition, with either the order of the two morphemes in the word or the order of the semantic and phonetic radicals in the character reversed; and the random condition, with either two morphemes randomly combined to create arbitrary nonwords or a semantic radical and a phonetic radical randomly combined using correct orthographic rules to create noncharacters. On the word level, children performed worst in the reversed condition and best with real words, whereas on the character level, children performed worst in the random condition and best in the reversed condition. Findings imply a holistic tendency toward word-level processing and an analytic approach to character-level processing in these Chinese children.     

Use of phonological codes for Chinese characters: evidence from processing of parafoveal preview when reading sentences

The role of phonological coding for character identification was examined with the benefit of processing parafoveal characters in eye fixations while reading Chinese sentences. In Experiment 1, the orthogonal manipulation of phonological and orthographic similarity can separate two types of phonological benefits for homophonic previews, according to whether these previews share the same phonetic radical with the targets or not. The significant phonological benefits indicate that phonological coding is activated early when the character is in the parafovea. Experiment 2 manipulated the character's consistency value and found that the phonological preview benefits are reliable only when the targets are high consistency characters. The results of two experiments suggest that phonological computation is rapid and early at both character and radical levels for Chinese character identification.     

汉语学龄前儿童正字法意识的发展

本研究选择北京地区幼儿园3岁、4岁、5岁儿童各31、48、33名, 采用单部件意识测验和部件位置及功能意识测验系统探查了学龄前儿童的正字法意识各个层面的发展状况。单部件意识测验包括部件替换、部件缺失和部件旋转三个部分; 部件位置及功能意识测验分为假字和非字两个部分, 而非字又包括两形非字和形声非字。结果发现单部件意识测验中, 5岁组儿童在部件替换水平上的得分显著高于3岁组儿童, 而3岁组与4岁组、4岁组与5岁组儿童之间无显著差异; 部件缺失和部件旋转水平上, 三个年龄段的儿童的得分表现出明显的增长趋势。部件位置及功能意识测验中, 假字得分在三个年龄段之间无显著差异; 非字得分随年龄增长显著提高。这些结果表明, 单部件意识在学前期处于不断发展的阶段, 其中对部件替换的非字的拒绝能力发展较早, 部件缺失和部件旋转非字的拒绝能力发展较晚; 部件位置及功能意识在学前期已经开始发展, 3岁儿童已经具有假字符合正字法规则的认识, 但对非字违反部件位置合法性和功能完整性的认识直到4岁左右才开始萌芽, 5岁还未成熟。     

形声字心理词典中义符和音符线索的作用

本实验采用启动条件下的词汇判断法,用形声字的义符或音符作为启动刺激,对形声字心理词典中义符和音符线索的作用进行探讨。结果发现：义符线索比音符线索的作用更大;义符、音符对低频字的影响比对高频字的影响更大;当义符、音符与字义、字音一致和不一致时,又符线索和音符线索的作用不一样。