The Political Activities of Reformed Clergy in the UnitedStates and Scotland

This paper examines Reformed clergy across two different settings—the United States and Scotland in an effort to determine how theological orthodoxy is related to political participation. The paper demonstrates that (1) clergy in both settings tend to be politically active (2) the level of clergy political activity tends to be greater in the United States than in Scotland (3) the relationship between orthodoxy and political activity is complex, varying by the specific type of activity examined and (4) while theologically orthodox and modernist clergy tend to differ in the nature of their political activities, there is no longer a major "gap"in level of political activity between the two groups of ministers.     

Role of Behavior Level,Behavioral Variability,and Ratee Order in the Formation of Appraisal Ratings

Two laboratory studies were conducted to assess the role of behavioral data in the formation of appraisal ratings. In the first study, which included 200 participants, significant main effects using a split-plot factorial analysis of variance design were found for performance variability, performance level, and ratee order. A central drift phenomenon also was discovered with ratees whose performance profiles were both similar and extreme (extremely high or extremely low), receiving ratings that drifted toward average as a function of rating queue position. A second study, which included 126 participants, replicated this drift phenomenon and isolated the cause as profile similarity rather than profile extremity. Implications of these findings for rating accuracy and future "truescore" research designs are discussed.     

On the Prospect of Linking Religious‐Right Identification with Political Behavior: Panacea or Snipe Hunt?

Although it is a popular topic, the religious right is understudied in two areas. First, scholars have not developed an agreed-upon profile of religious-right adherents at the individual level. Second, little is known about how religious-right status functions as a predictor of political behavior. There is a possibility that religious-right status functions similarly to party identification, as an indicator that is both related to a wide range of variables and capable of functioning independently of those variables as a predictor of political behavior. Using multivariate statistical techniques we analyze survey data that allows respondents to self-identify as members of the religious right. We find that religious-right identifiers are social and theological conservatives who demonstrate high levels of religious commitment. However, they are neither monolithically Republican nor ideologically conservative. Religious-right status does have cross-cutting characteristics, for it is fluid across partisan, ideological, and denominational lines. This status is not, however, politically distinguishing as whatever impact it has on political behavior is apparently subsumed by traditional political variables.     

Political identification and the defining issues test: reevaluating an old hypothesis

Research on the association between the development of moral judgment (as measured by the Defining Issues Test [DIT]; J. R. Rest, 1979) and political attitudes has demonstrated that these factors are often reliably related. N. Emler (1987, 1990) and colleagues have asserted that DIT scores actually measure test-takers' political identity rather than their developmental level. To test this claim, these researchers have designed "faking studies" in which respondents are asked to complete the DIT as if they were of a particular political orientation, regardless of their real political views. These faking studies have yielded contradictory conclusions, whereas tests of the incremental validity of the DIT have provided some evidence for its empirical distinctiveness. In the present study, the authors reexamined this issue by pitting scores on the DIT, Version 2 (DIT-2; J. R. Rest, D. Narvaez, S. J. Thoma, & M. J. Bebeau, 1999) against several more concrete measures of political identification in several predictive models of attitudes toward human rights and civil liberties. DIT-2 scores and political identification emerged as significant predictors in nearly all regression analyses.     

Right-wing authoritarianism,political affiliation,religiosity, and their relation to psychological androgyny

The authoritarian personality is characterized by a traditional attitude towards gender roles that reflects its conservative ideology [T. W. Adorno, E. Frenkel-Brunswik, D. J. Levinson, and R. N. Sanford (1950) The Authoritarian Personality, New York: Norton]. The present study investigated the relationship between S. L. Bem's [(1974) sex roles The Measurement of Psychological Androgyny, Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, Vol. 42, pp. 155–162], on the one hand, and right-wing authoritarianism [RWA; B. Altemeyer (1988) Enemies of Freedom: Understanding Right-Wing Authoritarianism, San Francisco], political affiliation, and religiosity level, on the other. Subjects were 365 Jewish undergraduate students (227 women and 138 men) at a number of universities; 81 were second generation Israelis, 90 were children of Ashkenazic parents, 75 were children of Sephardic parents, and 113 were children of parents from mixed background. They completed Altemeyer's RWA scale and a shortened version of Bem's Sex Role Inventory. Political affiliation and religiosity level (variables strongly linked to the authoritarian personality theory) were also measured. Among women, the RWA mean score of the cross-sex typed subjects was significantly lower than that of the sex-typed and the undifferentiated subjects, and most of the cross-sex typed women supported the political left and defined themselves as secular, while among men, no statistically significant RWA, political affiliation, and religiosity differences were found between Bem's four personality types. These results highlight gender differences in the relationships between authoritarian personality and gender-role identification. While it seems that cross-sex-typed women tend to rebel against the status quo, the question of why similar patterns do not appear among men still remains open to speculation.     

The Political Psychology of Contemporary Anti-Politics: A Discursive Approach to the End-of-Ideology Era

This article advocates a discursive approach for examining political rhetoric. Such an approach is particularly useful for studying contemporary political ideology. The current political climate, especially in Britain, has been described as exemplifying a "Third Way," which is said to have replaced the old ideological division between "left" and "right" by a consensual, non-ideological politics. TThe discursive approach allow the analyst to look at the continuing dilemmas of an ideology that denies its ideological character. In discursive analyses of interviews with 20 elected local officials in the Midlands of England, the respondents (regardless of party affiliation) tended to give accounts that celebrated the development of consensual, less ideologically divisive politics. These accounts, however, were dilemmatic: As the speakers told of social change, they also stressed their own personal stability, as if they themselves existed outside the previous political climate. They also explicitly distanced themselves from the language of "left" and "right," but in this distancing a further ideological dilemma was detectable. All the local politicians were officially affiliated to a political party. In discursively subtle ways, the speakers used the left/right continuum as they distinguished between the parties, thereby showing the sort of variability that discursive theorists have noted in other contexts. The implications of such findings and of the discursive approach to studying ideology are discussed in relation to the possibilities for developing a critical political psychology.     

Political perception and political preference An exploratory study of Swedish political parties

Abstract.— Political perception was studied as a function of the perceiver's political viewpoint. The political stimuli used were the names of 9 Swedish political parties or organizations. Political viewpoint was defined by the person's political party preference. The subjects were 105 undergraduate psychology students. Different aspects of political party perception were studied concerning (a) perceived positions of the parties on a Left-Right continuum, ( b ) perceived similarity among parties, and (c) the number and nature of inferred dimensions and categories underlying the perception of the parties. With regard to (a) and (b), the analyses indicated systematic differences among political preference groups, whereas the number and nature of political dimensions seemed to be the same. Thus, for both socialists and nonsocialists the dimensions underlying the perception of Swedish political parties could be interpreted as "left-right", "extremity", and "religiosity".     

Personality organization as an aspect of back pain in a medical setting.

The MMPI profiles of 74 low back pain patients who had previously been classified as "functional,"organic," or "mixed" were sorted into six profile groups. The six profile groups were those used by Pichot, Perse, Lekous, Dureau, Perez, and Rychewaert (1972); denial, "conversion V" without defensiveness, "conversion V" with defensiveness, depressed/anxious, psychotic and normal. Results indicate that all six profile types are well represented in the low back pain group. Evidence is also presented which shows that each of the pathological MMPI profile types examined across "functional," "organic," and "mixed" classification is significantly more elevated than a normal profile group on two scales (Lb, DOR) designed to measure functional aspects of pain. Pathological MMPI profile groups did not differ significantly from each other on the "functional" pain scales. The data presented in this study point to the relationship of various forms of psychopathology with "functional pain." The findings of this study would not support a homogeneous "pain personality" for low back pain patients. However, combined "conversion V" profiles accounted for 58% of the "functional" group, 45% of the "mixed" group and 35% of the "organic" group.     

Development and Validation of a Dutch Translation of the Big Five Inventory (BFI)

The MMPI profiles of 74 low back pain patients who had previously been classified as "functional," "organic," or "mixed" were sorted into six profile groups. The six profile groups were those used by Pichot, Perse, Lekeous, Dureau, Perez, and Rychewaert (1972); denial, "conversion V" without defensiveness, "conversion V" with defensiveness, depressed/anxious, psychotic and normal. Results indicate that all six profile types are welt represented in the low back pain group. Evidence is also presented which shows that each of the pathological MMPI profile types examined across "functional," "organic," and "mixed" classification is significantly more elevated than a normal profile group on two scales (Lb, DOR) designed to measure functional aspects of pain. Pathological MMPI profile groups did not differ significantly from each other on the "functional," pain scales. The data presented in this study point to the relationship of various forms of psychopathology with "functional pain." The findings of this stud v would not support a homogeneous "pain personality" for low back pain patients. However, combined "conversion V" profiles accounted for 58% of the "functional" group, 45% of the "mixed" group and 35% of the "organic" group.     

On Not Seeing What You Do Not Want to See: Meloen, van der Linden and de Witte on Authoritarianism

Meloen, van der Linden, and de Witte (1996) were puzzled by their finding that their various scales of authoritarian attitudes all correlated at similar low levels with approval for a racist political party. They also reported that the "Directiveness" behavior inventory correlated not at all with political variables. If the validity characteristics of the various scales used are taken into account, however, the implications of their results are clear: The alleged scales of authoritarian attitudes were simply functioning as alternative scales of conservatism and people who preferred leftist political parties were just as likely to be authoritarian as those who preferred racist political parties.     

荀子的"法后王"与儒学的走向政治

孔子与孟子以道德自律、道德教化为改造社会的手段,而对外在制度的匡正作用重视不够,在实际政治中的可操作性不强,从而被讥为“迂远而阔于事情”,不为现实政治所接纳。但救世济民这种根源于儒家思想深层的理念,必然要求后来的儒者强化儒学的现实性与在政治实践中的可操作性。荀子“法后王”就是对儒学发展要求的一个切实的回应。从这个意义上讲,“后王”毫无疑义地指“当今之王”或“近世之王”,亦即那些在春秋战国这一急剧变化的时代中变法自强的帝王,荀子探索出了儒学与政治的契合点,并由此开辟了通向政治实践的巷道。     

政治的,抑或道德的——对政治自由主义一个关键悖论的解读

政治自由主义试图将其正义观念塑造为纯粹"政治的"观念,而不能是完备性的"道德的"观念。但任何规范性的正义观念似乎都不能不是道德的,这就形成了政治自由主义所面对的一个最根本的悖论。通过分析我们可以看到,政治自由主义要克服这一悖论,必须寻求一种具有自主性的规范性政治概念。此外,政治自由主义把公民的两种道德能力当作理论前提,同时强调道德化的公民美德,这两个因素都加深了这一悖论。通过解释和分析这两种因素所带来的理论难题及其原因,文章认为,"政治的"自由主义之所以难以抹去"道德的"面纱,其根源在于政治在自由主义价值系统中的处境。     

Some cognitive models of political party sympathy based on Swedish attitude data

Abstract.— The problem of this study was to formulate and test party sympathy models bearing upon the Swedish political party system. As subjects served representatives of the five largest Swedish political parties. Two basic assumptions-postulating interindividually shared cognitions of the political attitude system and postulating party sympathy to be based on political attitude consensus-were differently modelled and tested by a Euclidean distance approach to factor-analytically defined political attitude dimensions and related party and subject positions. Reported empirical validities, actual vs. predicted party sympathy, indicate the dominating relevance of a "capitalism-socialism" dimension but also point to the relevance of further dimensions. Because of indicated consistency with rather generally recognized political cleavages a model of ordered simple choices-for differentiation between the "bourgeois" parties probably modified-is suggested the most relevant reflection of cognitive structures and processes involved in political party sympathy.     

Activation of Political Attitudes: A Psychophysiological Examination of the Hot Cognition Hypothesis

The recording of event-related potentials (ERPs) in the brain has allowed for a better understanding of human sensory and cognitive processing. This technique may also prove useful in studying implicit social attitudes and their effects on information processing. Here, ERPs were used in a study of "hot cognition" in the context of political concepts. Hot cognition, as applied to the political domain, posits that all sociopolitical concepts that have been evaluated in the past are affectively charged, and that this affective charge is automatically activated from long-term memory within milliseconds of presentation of the political stimulus. During an evaluative priming task, ERP recordings showed that affectively incongruent prime/target pairs elicited an enhanced negativity with a peak latency of about 400 milliseconds relative to affectively congruent prime/target pairs. These differences suggest that automatic, implicit evaluations were made in response to strongly positive and negative political stimuli, and that these evaluations affected the subsequent processing of a high-valence adjective. Therefore, it appears that the emotional valence of a political prime is stored along with the concept itself, and that an affective response becomes active upon mere exposure to the political stimulus.     

WAIS-III factor index score patterns after traumatic brain injury

Profile subtypes, based on the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Third Edition (WAIS-III) factor index scores, were examined in a sample of 166 patients with traumatic brain injury (TBI) by means of a two-stage clustering procedure. Three reliable subtypes were found that were differentiated primarily by level of performance across all factor index scores, although each of them demonstrated a relative weakness on the Processing Speed index. These subtypes were then validated on the basis of demographic variables, injury parameters, and additional psychometric measures that had not been included in the clustering procedures. The results indicated that performance on the WAIS-III after TBI was affected by both injury severity and level of education. It is concluded that there is no unique "signature" profile on the WAIS-III after TBI, except that a relative strength on the Processing Speed index is uncommon with this condition.     

MIDLIFE WOMEN'S POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS Case Studies of Psychosocial Development and Political Commitment

Midlife women's political consciousness may be importantly influenced by a preoccupation with generativity. Analysis of three case studies suggests the importance of several elements for a developmental perspective on women's (and perhaps men's) midlife political activity: childhood family political ideology; earlier adolescent and adult political activity; influences of particular social and historical events at different developmental stages; a desire to be generative or to "make a contribution"; experiences as a parent; and access at midlife to time, energy, and personal resources. In addition, the importance of defining "political activity" broadly, and in the terms meaningful to women themselves, is underlined. finally, the satisfaction associated with recognizing the continuity in one's life commitments must be appreciated as one element of women's midlife political consciousness.     

Decoding deficits and social competency: A continuous rating approach

Males who self-reported heterosocial difficulties and whose performance in a role-played interaction was judged to be of low social competence were compared to high-competent males on a continuous rating task. The rating task required that subjects make continual, ongoing social competency ratings of their own and six other males' performance in a role-play situation. The continuous measurement of performance provided a profile of ratings that was compared on frequency, latency-to-first ratings, profile elevation or level, scatter, and patterning. Low-competent males had longer latencies-to-first ratings than high-competent males and less scatter in their continuous ratings than did the high-competent group. The reduced scatter effect for continuous ratings replicates previous work done with global ratings and suggests that the low-competent group may not be able to discriminate among social stimuli as well as the high-competent group. The research also suggests that the continuous rating methodology may hold promise as a tool to investigate social perception processes.     

类伦理与生态问题的国际治理

随着时代的发展,全球性问题的普遍出现以及与此相应的人类的全球意识的产生,标志着人类已经进入了"类时代"。在类时代的背景下,与生态危机相关的种种问题日益突现,生态问题面临前所未有的现实难题和伦理困境。因此,需要从人的"类存在"的视角来审视人与自然的关系,从"类伦理"的高度来关照生态问题,从国际治理的层面来解决全球生态问题。     

Social Involvement, Disclosure of Sexual Orientation, and the Quality of Lesbian Relationships

Gay and lesbian political activists encourage lesbians to "come out" and get involved. Is this good advice for lesbian couples? In these secondary analyses of data collected form 784 lesbian couples in 1979 for the American Couples Study (Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983), we examined whether social involvement and disclosure of sexual orientation were systematically associated with the quality of women's relationships. We predicted and found that partners matched on level of social involvement were happier than mismatched couples. The extent of women's social involvement had a curvilinear association with relationship quality: moderately involved couples were the most satisfied. Contrary to predictions, lesbians who had disclosed to a greater number of important others did not have more satisfying romantic relationships, nor did partner matching on self-disclosure enhance relationship quality.     

Young adults' knowledge of politics: evaluating the role of socio-cognitive variables using structural equations

The aim of this study was to create an explanatory model that allows analyzing the predictive power of a set of variables related to political knowledge; more specifically, to analyze the relationship between the education level of young adults and the variables, interest in politics and internal political efficacy. We also analyzed the combined relationship between these variables, together with age, and political knowledge. We worked with a sample group of 280 young adults between the ages of 18-30 from the city of Córdoba (Argentina). The data was subjected to a structural equation modelling SEM analysis, which allowed for the corroboration of the following hypotheses: the higher the education level, the more the interest in politics; the higher the education level, the better the perception of internal political efficacy; the higher the education level, the more the political knowledge; the more the interest in politics, the more the political knowledge; and the better the perception of internal political efficacy, the more interest in politics. Moreover, the following hypotheses could not be verified: the older an individual, the more the political knowledge; and the better the perception of internal political efficacy, the more the political knowledge. The model obtained allows for discussion of the explanatory value of these socio-cognitive variables.