中文阅读中副中央凹语义信息的提取：来自ERPs的证据

书面语言阅读过程中, 关于读者能否提取预视词汇的语义信息, 以往的研究仍有争议。鉴于边界技术在研究该问题时具有无法严格控制预视词呈现时间等一些局限性, 近年来有研究者利用ERPs技术结合伴侧RSVP范式对拼音语言中的语义预视效应进行研究。本研究首次将这一方法应用到中文句子阅读中, 并对实验材料进行了更严格的控制, 保证关键屏(目标名词位于右侧副中央凹处)内容在实验条件间完全相同, 避免以往类似研究中关键词自身属性信息对实验结果产生干扰。ERPs数据分析发现, 在关键屏呈现后, 语义违背相比合理条件诱发了更大的N400成分, 而关键后屏(目标名词位于中央凹处)呈现后, 两种条件间的N400成分无显著差异。该结果支持中文句子阅读中预视词汇语义信息可以得到提取, 并参与随后的语义整合过程。     

谐音线索和“歇后”时间对谐音型歇后语理解的影响

运用ERPs技术考察谐音线索和前、后语节呈现时间间隔（ISI）对谐音型歇后语理解的影响。行为实验结果表明谐音线索影响语料的通达过程。在短ISI条件下,谐音线索同时作用于反应时和错误率,易化对歇后语的加工;在长ISI条件下,谐音线索仅提高正确率。ERPs结果表明,长ISI诱发更大波幅的N170成分和P200成分,不出现谐音线索将诱发更大波幅的P300成分,同时,短ISI诱发更大波幅的N400成分。实验结果推测,谐音型歇后语的理解分为三个阶段：（１）早期注意、语义识别和初级整合过程;（２）谐音线索加工过程;（３）通过语义映射中介,消除差异,获得同一性的过程。     

中国二语学习者英语句子加工的心理机制初探:以主动句为例

操纵不同违例类型（语义单违例、句法单违例、双违例）及不同的违例词位置（句中、句尾）,运用ERPs技术初步探讨了中国大学生二语（英语）学习者英语简单句的心理加工过程。结果发现,中间句法单违例诱发了早期左前负波（ELAN）,句尾句法单违例引发了正波（P600）。句尾语义单违例诱发的负波（N400）波幅显著大于中间语义单违例。即存在违例关键词的位置效应。较之单违例,语义-句法双违例诱发的N400与P600波幅变化呈非对称性。语义-句法双违例句诱发的P600波幅大于句法单违例句;语义-句法双违例引发的N400波幅均小于语义单违例句。这说明句法与语义加工之间存在交互作用,句法加工在很大程度上受到语义加工的影响,句法加工对语义加工的影响较小。     

嗓声鉴别的脑事件相关电位研究

该项工作研究了21名女大学生和研究生鉴别两个陌生人的噪声时,六个脑区的事件相关电位(ERPs)。结果表明,双音节语义嗓声的鉴别更易引起明显的ERPs变化;两个陌生人嗓声不等概率呈现,较等概率呈现更易引起明显的ERPs变化。在单音节嗓声鉴别中,在左额区引起N200波波幅增高;而在右颞区引起P300波潜伏期的增长。在双音节语义嗓声鉴别中,除右顶叶外在其它五个脑区引起P300波波幅增高,在右额区引起P300波潜伏期明显缩短。     

记忆编码与特异性效应之间关系的ERP研究

通过事件相关电位（ERPs）探讨了在“学习–再认”模式条件下的记忆编码与特异性效应之间的关系。选择首要特异性特征为深、浅加工,次要特异性特征为高、低词频。研究结果表明,（1）行为数据支持了低频词的再认比高频词更精确;深加工的再认比浅加工更精确,并且深加工存在着显著的字频效应,浅加工没有显著的字频效应。（2）低频词比高频词有更大的ERP晚正成分（LPC）;在低频词条件下,存在着显著的相继记忆效应,随后再认正确的ERPs比随后再认不正确的ERPs更正。因此,加工方式和词频间接地影响着记忆编码的形成。     

语义透明度和构词频率对汉语动词多词素词识别的影响*

采用重复启动范式,通过两个实验,考察语义透明度和词素构词频率对动词多词素词识别的影响。结果发现：（1）语义透明度影响多词素动词的识别,识别高语义透明度的动词快于识别低语义透明度的动词。（2）词素的构词频率影响低语义透明度动词的识别,不影响高语义透明度动词的识别。对低语义透明动词,词素的构词频率低的动词的反应时显著短于词素的构词频率高的动词。研究结果支持汉语多词素词的多层次双系统选择加工模型。     

项目间语义可整合性对联结再认的影响——来自ERPs研究证据

本研究使用ERPs技术,探讨项目间语义可整合性对联结再认影响的神经机制。学习阶段,让被试学习两类材料,一类是可整合程度高的成语图片对,即成语条件;另一类是可整合程度低的非成语图片对,即非成语条件。测验阶段,让被试进行联结再认判断,判断屏幕上呈现的图片对为"旧"、"重组"还是"新"。行为结果发现:成语条件比非成语条件有更好的联结记忆成绩。ERPs结果发现:测验阶段,在刺激呈现后约200 ms,无论是成语条件还是非成语条件,均出现"新/旧效应",持续到800 ms,并且成语条件比非成语条件有更广泛的分布;对于成语条件,刺激呈现后400~800 ms出现"旧/重组效应",而非成语任何时段均没有出现这种"旧/重组效应";对于"旧"和"重组"两种反应,刺激呈现后约200 ms开始,成语条件引起的ERPs比非成语条件更正;对于"新"反应,两者无显著差异。由此可以推知,提高项目间的语义可整合程度可以促进联结记忆效率,提高了熟悉性和回忆在联结再认中的作用,此外,在联结再认过程中200~400 ms时间段为项目提取阶段,而400~800 ms时间段为项目间关系的提取阶段,改变项目间语义可整合性只会影响对项目间关系的提取。     

汉语双字词超音段信息在语义激活中的作用

采用眼动方法,通过两个实验考察了汉语双字词超音段信息在语义激活中的作用。结果显示：（1）汉语双字词语义激活过程中,分别改变首字声调和尾字声调对语义激活起到抑制作用,首字声调改变时的抑制作用更大。结果支持了Cohort模型。（2）语义相关词的注视点和注视时间远远多于其控制词,但没有发现词频效应。（3）汉语声调的加工过程与声韵母一样,独立作用于语义激活过程。     

中文词汇切分对眼动数据的影响

该研究使用眼动研究中的“边界”技术范式,材料中的关键词为前两个字为双字词的三字词,如“服务员”,和非三字词,如“服务体”,考察可能存在的中文词汇切分策略对眼动时间指标的影响。实验使用2×2被试内设计,第一个因素是三字词的词频：高频和低频,第二个因素为不同词频条件下的非三字词基线。实验结果是三字词预视条件下的注视时间短于非三字词预视条件下的注视时间。结果表明自然阅读中的词汇切分策略确实存在,并且可以在眼动的时间指标上表现出来,结果还暗示在词汇切分过程中,读者在心理词典中对三字词的搜索是必需的过程。     

汉字识别的时间进程：来自字谜任务的ERP证据

通过“学习-测试-判断”的三阶段实验范型, 采用事件相关电位（ERP）技术探讨了猜谜任务中对谜底答案（单个汉字）识别的脑内时程动态变化。结果发现：语义识别与字形识别下,汉字刺激均诱发了明显的N1、P2和N2成分,其中语义识别下的P2波幅表现为更加正性,可能与汉字语义的早期加工有关;随后,300-400ms内,语义识别比字形识别诱发了一个更加正性的ERP成分,该成分可能属于P300成分,反映了对汉字语义的进一步整合加工;最后,500-600ms内,语义识别比字形识别同样诱发了一个更加正性的ERP成分,可能反     

A comparison of sentence- and discourse-level semantic processing: an ERP study

Eighteen subjects listened to sentences ending with semantically congruent or incongruent words. Each congruent sentence was embedded at the end of a short story so that the final word was semantically acceptable at the sentence level but incongruent in terms of discourse context. The same stories were also presented with congruent endings. Auditory ERPs elicited by the final words in these sentences and stories were compared. Both sentence- and discourse-level semantic integration were associated with N400 and Late Positive Component (LPC) effects in addition to a new component, P550. Local and global semantic processing, although evoking the same components, were characterized by differential effects on ERP amplitudes according to the amount of text integrated and its congruence. These results indicate similar cognitive processes of context build up, underlying sentence- and discourse-semantic processing.     

句子阅读理解过程中句意的建构时间

一般语言学理论认为, 在句子阅读理解过程中, 句子意义建构是基于词汇语义整合的, 其反映在N400之上, 开始于词语呈现后约250 ms。然而, 近年关于语义P600效应的研究却提示句意建构可能存在多通道或方式, 读者甚至可能在N400反映的加工出现之前就已建立了初步句意。为探明在句子阅读理解过程中是否存在比N400反映的加工更早的句意建构, 以及如果存在这样的句意建构, 其是从何时开始的, 本研究开展了四个实验。实验1发现被试在句末双字词呈现200 ms后已将其联系到上文语义表征而建立了句意, 提示句意建构开始于N400反映的加工出现之前。实验2与3进一步发现, 读者开始建立句意的时间约在句末词呈现了150 ms之时。实验4排除了实验1~3效应的其他一些可能解释, 提升了实验1~3结果的可靠性。总体上, 本研究提示：在句子阅读理解过程中, 读者在句末双字词呈现了约150 ms之时就已建立了句意; 可能存在比N400反映的加工更早的句意建构。     

Gapping: Electrophysiological evidence for immediate processing of "missing" verbs in sentence comprehension

In the present study we use event related potentials (ERPs) to explore the time course of identification and resolution of verb gaps. ERPs were recorded while participants read sentences that contained a verb gap like Ron took/sanded the planks, and Bill ? the hammer... Plausibility of the critical words (hammer) that followed the verb gap was manipulated. Relative to the plausible control (preceded by took), ERPs to the critical word in the implausible condition (preceded by sanded) showed an N400, followed by a positivity (P600). ERPs to determiners following gapped verbs showed a negativity between 100 and 300 ms, and a positivity between 300 and 500 ms compared to determiners in non-gapping constructions. These results suggest that the sentence processor recognizes a verb gap and reconstructs the verb information at the earliest possible occasion, and that this reconstruction process is different from the reconstruction of antecedents in other filler-gap constructions (e.g., WH gaps).     

Contextual modulation of N400 amplitude to lexically ambiguous words

Though much is known about the N400 component, an event-related EEG potential that is sensitive to semantic manipulations, it is unclear whether modulations of N400 amplitude reflect automatic processing, controlled processing, or both. We examined this issue using a semantic judgment task that manipulated local and global contextual cues. Word triplets (prime-noun-target, e.g., finance-bank-money) were sequentially presented on a computer screen (500 ms duration, 1000 ms stimulus onset asynchrony), in which the second word was a homograph. The first word (prime) created a neutral-, dominant-meaning- or subordinate-meaning-biased "global context," and the third word (target) created a dominant- or subordinate-biased "local context" that was either congruent or incongruent with the "global context" established by the first prime word. Participants were instructed to read all three words but to decide only whether the second and third words were semantically related. Event-related potentials (ERPs), specifically the N400, were recorded to the third terminal word. N400 amplitudes evoked by dominant meaning-related third words incongruent with the globally biased subordinate context (e.g., river-bridge-money) were significantly more negative than dominant endings in neutral contexts (e.g., taxi-bank-money), but not different from unrelated filler triplets. In addition, there was some indication that left hemisphere, temporal-parietal electrode sites were associated with greater N400 negativity for dominant targets in conflicting subordinate global contexts than homologous right hemisphere electrode sites, the latter of which showed significant activation to subordinate meanings in cooperating contexts. Thus, N400 amplitude was more affected by global than local context suggesting that controlled processes may take priority over automatic processes in modulating N400 amplitude, especially for left hemisphere electrode sites.     

世界知识在句子理解中的整合时程

Hagoort等(2004)应用背离范式发现世界知识和单词意义在句末的整合是同时进行的。本研究将背离信息提前到句首短语中,旨在探讨世界知识在句子阅读过程中被整合的时程特征。实验采用四词句子为材料,其中第二个词（目标词）含有单词意义或世界知识背离信息,记录并比较被试在阅读后三个词时诱发的脑电变化。结果发现：与正确句子比较,无论是单词意义背离还是世界知识背离,背离目标词均引发出经典的N400,二者在峰值时间和始潜时上无显著差异,但世界知识背离信息诱发的N400波幅值相对较小。句中的后继单词不再诱发类似的N400;但到句子结尾,两类含有背离信息句子的句末正常单词又诱发出类似N400的一个负波。结果提示,在句子理解过程中,世界知识的整合与单词意义的整合相似,可能是随着句子理解过程即时进行的,整合的结果不影响后继信息的加工;但到了句末,读者在对整个句子内容作真实性判断时会对先前进行过的整合再进行考察。     

情绪韵律调节情绪词识别的ERP研究

采用韵律/词汇干扰范式和延迟匹配任务, 通过两个ERP实验, 考察了汉语口语中情绪韵律能否、以及如何调节情绪词的识别。实验一中, 不同类型的情绪韵律分组呈现, ERP结果显示, 同与情绪韵律效价一致的情绪词相比, 与情绪韵律效价不一致的情绪词诱发了走向更负的P200、N300和N400成分; 实验二中, 不同类型的情绪韵律随机呈现, 上述效价一致性效应依然存在。实验结果表明, 情绪韵律能够调节情绪词识别, 主要表现在对情绪词的音韵编码和语义加工的双重易化上。     

The dynamic influence of emotional words on sentence comprehension: An ERP study

In the present study, we explored the influence of emotional words on the semantic integration of their following neutral nouns during sentence comprehension. We manipulated the emotionality of verbs and the semantic congruity of their following (neutral) object nouns in sentences. Event-related potentials were recorded to the verbs, which were either negative or neutral, and to the object nouns, which were either semantically congruent or incongruent relative to the preceding contexts. We found an N400 and a P600 effect in response to the semantic congruity of the nouns when they followed the neutral verbs. However, the P600 (but not the N400) semantic congruity effect may have been attenuated when the nouns followed the negative verbs. Meanwhile, the negative verbs elicited a larger P2 and N400 than did the neutral verbs. The results indicate that the attention captured by emotional words impaired reanalysis of the following incongruent information, demonstrating a dynamic influence of emotional words on the semantic processing of following information during sentence comprehension.     

网络语言的创造性加工过程:新颖N400与LPC

采用事件相关电位(ERP)技术比较在语义违反范式下网络语言和标准汉语的语义加工差异。结果发现:(1)不管是网络语言还是标准汉语,相对于语义一致条件,语义不一致条件在400 ms诱发了一个更负的负成分,但网络语言的经典N400差异波具有更晚的潜伏期和更长的持续时间;(2)溯源结果发现,网络语言和标准汉语的经典N400差异波的早期和晚期的定位均分别定位于丘脑和前扣带回,表明N400延迟效应是由个体对网络语言相对低的流利度所致,反映了认知冲突的延续;(3)在语义一致性条件下,网络语言比标准汉语诱发了一个更负的新颖N400和一个更正的晚期正成分(LPC),分别定位于前扣带回和海马,二者分别反映了新颖网络含义的识别以及新颖语义信息的整合与新颖语义联结的形成。ERP结果支持了网络语言加工属于创造性思维过程。     

Influences of semantic and syntactic context on open- and closed-class words

Event-related potentials (ERPs) were recorded as subjects read semantically meaningful, syntactically legal but nonsensical and random word strings. The constraints imposed by formal sentence structure alone did not reduce the amplitude of the N400 component elicited by open-class words, whereas semantic constraints did. Semantic constraints also eliminated the word-frequency effect of a larger N400 for low-frequency words. Responses to closed-class words exhibited reduced N400 amplitudes in syntactic and congruent sentences, indicating that formal sentence structure placed greater restrictions on closed-class words than it did on open-class words. However, unlike the open-class results, the impact of sentence context on closed-class words was stable across word positions, suggesting that these syntactic constraints were applied only locally. A second ERP component, distinct from the N400, was elicited primarily by congruent closed-class words.