Measuring lexical access during sentence processing

The results from “on-line” investigations of sentence comprehension are often difficult to interpret since it is not always apparent what component processes are reflected in the response measure. The results of two experiments reported here indicate that response latencies from phoneme-triggered lexical decision (PTLD) reflect the time needed for lexical access during sentence processing. Listeners were presented with sentences and were asked to make a word/nonword judgment for items beginning with a particular word-initial target phoneme. Speed of lexical access was manipulated by varying the semantic predictability of the target-bearing word. WORD judgments were faster for words that were preceded by semantically related verbs than were WORD judgments for words that were preceded by neutral verbs. The present results are consistent with other studies showing semantic facilitation of lexical access during the processing of fluent speech. It is argued that the phoneme-triggered lexical-decision task is a more suitable measure of lexical access during sentence processing than phoneme monitoring (Foss, 1969) or word monitoring (Marslen-Wilson & Tyler, 19751. In addition, it is pointed out that the phoneme-triggered lexical-decision task lends itself to modifications which should enable investigators to study various aspects of on-line sentence processing.     

Priming and the effects of sentence and lexical contexts on naming time: Evidence for autonomous lexical processing

Models of language processing which stress the autonomy of processing at each level predict that the semantic properties of an incomplete sentence context should have no influence on lexical processing, either facilitatory or inhibitory. An experiment similar to those reported by Fischler and Bloom (1979) and Stanovich and West (1979, 1981) was conducted using naming time as an index of lexical access time. No facilitatory effects of context were observed for either highly predictable or semantically appropriate (but unpredictable) completions, whereas strong inhibitory effects were obtained for inappropriate completions. When lexical decision time was the dependent measure, the same results were obtained, except that predictable completions now produced strong facilitation. In a further experiment the inhibitory effects of context on lexical decision times for inappropriate targets were maintained, even though unfocussed contexts were used, in which no clear expectancy for a particular completion was involved. These results were interpreted in terms of a two-factor theory which attributes the facilitation observed with the lexical decision task to postaccess decision processes which are not involved in the naming task. The inhibitory effects were attributed to interference resulting from semantic integration. In contrast to the results for sentence contexts, lexical contexts of the doctor-nurse variety produced clear facilitation effects on naming time (but no inhibitory effects). It was also shown that relatively minor variations in the type of neutral context could completely alter the relative importance of facilitation and inhibition.     

Semantic facilitation and lexical access during sentence processing

An experiment was conducted testing predictions derived from context-dependent and context-independent models of lexical access. Four types of unambiguous test sentences were constructed. The direct object of each test sentence was preceded by a verb that was either semantically related or unrelated to it, and by an adjective that was semantically related or unrelated. Context-dependent models predict that the speed with which the object noun is retrieved from the mental lexicon will be faster when the verb and/or the adjective is semantically related; context-independent models predict no such facilitation. Forty-four subjects each heard 32 test sentences and were asked to monitor within the sentence for a word-initial target phoneme. The target phoneme occurred on the word following the object noun. Reaction times to detect the targets were obtained. According to context-dependent models, these times should be shorter when related words precede the object noun, and that is what was found. It was also observed that the facilitation effects due to the related verbs and adjectives were additive. Implications of these results were discussed.     

The processing of lexical stress during visual word recognition: typicality effects and orthographic correlates

Many studies that have examined reading at the single-word level have been restricted to the processing of monosyllabic stimuli, and, as a result, lexical stress has not been widely investigated. In the experiments reported here, we used disyllabic words and nonwords to investigate the processing of lexical stress during visual word recognition. In Experiments 1 and 2, we found an effect of stress typicality in naming and lexical decision. Typically stressed words (trochaic nouns and iambic verbs) elicited fewer errors than atypically stressed words (iambic nouns and trochaic verbs). In Experiment 3, we carried out an analysis of 340 word endings and found clear orthographic correlates of both grammatical category and lexical stress in word endings. In Experiment 4, we demonstrated that readers are sensitive to these cues in their processing of nonwords during two tasks: sentence construction and stress assignment. We discuss the implications of these findings with regard to psycholinguistic models of single-word reading.     

The processing of lexical stress during visual word recognition: Typicality effects and orthographic correlates

Many studies that have examined reading at the single-word level have been restricted to the processing of monosyllabic stimuli, and, as a result, lexical stress has not been widely investigated. In the experiments reported here, we used disyllabic words and nonwords to investigate the processing of lexical stress during visual word recognition. In Experiments 1 and 2, we found an effect of stress typicality in naming and lexical decision. Typically stressed words (trochaic nouns and iambic verbs) elicited fewer errors than atypically stressed words (iambic nouns and trochaic verbs). In Experiment 3, we carried out an analysis of 340 word endings and found clear orthographic correlates of both grammatical category and lexical stress in word endings. In Experiment 4, we demonstrated that readers are sensitive to these cues in their processing of nonwords during two tasks: sentence construction and stress assignment. We discuss the implications of these findings with regard to psycholinguistic models of single-word reading.     

Semantic facilitation and lexical access during sentence processing: An investigation of individual differences

An earlier experiment (Blank & Foss, 1978) showed that the time required to access the object noun of a sentence was shortened if the noun was preceded by a semantically related verb or adjective. When both the verb and the adjective were semantically related to the noun, the amount of facilitation of lexical access was additive. However, additivity appeared to break down for subjects who did poorly on the comprehension test administered in that experiment, suggesting that the activation function among related lexical items was different for good and poor comprehenders. Such a finding would have implications for theories of lexical facilitation, especially the two-factor theories such as the one proposed by Posner and Snyder (1975). The present experiment again measured access time for the object noun of a sentence when it was preceded by an unrelated or a related verb or adjective (four sentence types). Two groups of college subjects were tested, relatively good (N = 63) and relatively poor (N = 42) comprehenders. The difference in the time taken to retrieve the object noun was ascertained by measuring reaction time to respond to the initial phoneme of the next word in the sentence (phoneme monitoring technique). Reaction times were shorter when the noun was preceded by a semantically related word; the effects of two sources of related context (verb and adjective) appeared to be additive forboth groups of subjects. These results were discussed within the context of two-factor theories of lexical activation and within the context of Morton’s (1969) logogen model.     

The role of lexical competition and acoustic-phonetic structure in lexical processing: evidence from normal subjects and aphasic patients

This study examined the effects that the acoustic-phonetic structure of a stimulus exerts on the processes by which lexical candidates compete for activation. An auditory lexical decision paradigm was used to investigate whether shortening the VOT of an initial voiceless stop consonant in a real word results in the activation of the lexical-semantic network of its voiced competitor, i.e., does acoustically modified time prime penny via dime. Results for normal subjects showed semantic priming for related pairs and mediated priming for voiced competitors, consistent with cascade models of language processing allowing for interaction between phonological and semantic levels of processing. Although Broca's aphasics showed semantic priming (dime primed penny), they failed to show priming in the context of a lexical competitor. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that these patients have a lexical processing deficit characterized by an overall reduction in lexical activation.     

The role of the syllable in lexical segmentation in French: word-spotting data

Three word-spotting experiments assessed the role of syllable onsets and offsets in lexical segmentation. Participants detected CVC words embedded initially or finally in bisyllabic nonwords with aligned (CVC.CVC) or misaligned (CV.CCVC) syllabic structure. A misalignment between word and syllable onsets (Experiment 1) produced a greater perceptual cost than a misalignment between word and syllable offsets (Experiments 2 and 3). These results suggest that listeners rely on syllable onsets to locate the beginning of words. The implications for theories of lexical access in continuous speech are discussed.     

Perceptual representation as a mechanism of lexical ambiguity resolution: An investigation of span and processing time

In 2 experiments, the authors investigated the ability of high- and low-span comprehenders to construe subtle shades of meaning through perceptual representation. High- and low-span comprehenders responded to pictures that either matched or mismatched a target object's shape as implied by the preceding sentence context. At 750 ms after hearing the sentence describing the target object, both high- and low-span comprehenders had activated a contextually appropriate perceptual representation of the target object. However, only high-span comprehenders had perceptually represented the contextually appropriate meaning immediately upon hearing the sentence, whereas low-span comprehenders required more processing time before the perceptual representation was activated. The results are interpreted in a framework of co-occurring lexical representations and perceptual-motor representations.     

The time course of automatic lexical access and aging

This study addresses the issue of cognitive slowing in the elderly by examining the time course of automatic lexical access. College-aged subjects typically show a brief rise time (300-500 msec) for lexical access. In the present study, we examine whether there are changes in rapid, automatized access routines with age. Elderly and college-aged subjects performed a lexical decision task wherein semantically related words embedded in a continuous list were presented one at a time with a varying (300-1500 msec) inter-word interval. The use of a continuous list, a repeated word, and a very short inter-stimulus interval allowed automatic lexical access to be straightforwardly examined. The elderly subjects showed an onset of automatic lexical access that was similar in time frame to that for college-age subjects. These findings suggest that wherever the locus of age-related slowing may be, it is not in the early, language-specific processing devices that mediate lexical access.     

预测性对快速读者和慢速读者词汇加工的影响

本研究借助眼动仪通过两个实验考察了熟练阅读中快速读者与慢速读者对语境预测性的利用是否有差异。实验1比较快速组与慢速组在中央凹加工高、低预测词的差异。实验2对比两组读者利用副中央凹预视(相同、相似假字、低预测词和不相似假字)加工高预测词的差异。实验1结果显示两组读者有相似的预测性效应：对高预测词的注视时间比低预测词更短。实验2结果显示两组读者的预视效应存在差异：慢速组在相同预视下对目标词的跳读率高于低预测预视,而快速组在这两种预视下的跳读率差异不明显但高于慢速组;慢速组在低预测和不相似预视下注视目标词的时间分别长于相同预视,而快速组的这两种效应较小。结果表明,两组读者利用预测性的差异表现在副中央凹加工阶段,即慢速读者比快速读者利用相似预视激活预测性信息的效率更低,且在低预测或无效预视下对词汇的识别和语义整合更困难,这说明慢速读者在词汇加工中更依赖语境且对无关信息的抑制更弱。这些结果支持词汇质量假说。     

The processing of lexical ambiguity: homonymy and polysemy in the mental lexicon

Under the theoretical assumption that lexical ambiguity is not a homogeneous phenomenon, but rather that it is subdivided into two distinct types, namely homonymy and polysemy, the present study investigated whether these different types of lexical ambiguity are psychologically real. Four types of ambiguous words, homonymous words (e.g., "pen"), polysemous words with metaphorical extensions (e.g., "eye"), polysemous words with a count/mass metonymic extension (e.g., "turkey"), and polysemous words with a producer/product metonymic extension (e.g., "Dali"), were used in a cross-modal sentence-priming lexical decision task. Overall, the theoretical distinction between homonymy and polysemy was reflected in the results of the present study, which revealed differential processing depending on the type of ambiguity.     

The time course of contextual influences during lexical ambiguity resolution: Evidence from distributional analyses of fixation durations

In the lexical ambiguity literature, it is well-established that readers experience processing difficulties when they encounter biased homographs in a subordinate-instantiating prior context (i.e., the subordinate bias effect). To investigate the time course of this effect, the present study examined distributional analyses of first-fixation durations on 60 biased homographs that were each read twice: once in a subordinate-instantiating context and once in a dominant-instantiating context. Ex-Gaussian fitting revealed that the subordinate context distribution was shifted to the right of the dominant context distribution, with no significant contextual differences in the degree of skew. In addition, a survival analysis technique showed a significant influence of the subordinate versus dominant contextual manipulation as early as 139?ms from the start of fixation. These results indicate that the contextual manipulation had a fast-acting influence on the majority of fixation durations, which is consistent with the reordered access model's assumption that prior context can affect the lexical access stage of reading.     

On the flexibility of letter position coding during lexical processing: the case of Thai

In Indo-European languages, letter position coding is particularly noisy in middle positions (e.g., judge and jugde look very similar), but not in the initial letter position (e.g., judge vs. ujdge). Here we focus on a language (Thai) which, potentially, may be more flexible with respect to letter position coding than Indo-European languages: (i) Thai is an alphabetic language which is written without spaces between words (i.e., there is a degree of ambiguity in relation to which word a given letter belongs to) and (ii) some of the vowels are misaligned (e.g., [see text] ε:bn/ is pronounced as /bε:n/), whereas others are not (e.g., [see text]/a:p/ is pronounced as /a:p/). We conducted a masked priming lexical decision experiment with 3-4 letter Thai words (with vs. without an initial misaligned vowel) in which the prime was: (i) identical to the target, (ii) a nonword generated by transposing the two initial letters of the target, or (iii) a replacement-letter control nonword. Results showed a significant masked transposed-letter priming effect in the initial letter positions, which was similar in size for words with and without an initial misaligned vowel. These findings reflect that: (i) letter position coding in Thai is very flexible and (ii) the nature of the obtained priming effects is orthographic rather than phonological.     

The hyphen as a segmentation cue in triconstituent compound processing: it's getting better all the time

Bertram, R., Kuperman, V., Baayen, R. H. & Hyönä, J. (2011). The hyphen as a segmentation cue in triconstituent compound processing: It’s getting better all the time. Scandinavian Journal of Psychology 52, 530–544. Inserting a hyphen in Dutch and Finnish compounds is most often illegal given spelling conventions. However, the current two eye movement experiments on triconstituent Dutch compounds like voetbalbond“footballassociation” (Experiment 1) and triconstituent Finnish compounds like lentokenttätaksi“airporttaxi” (Experiment 2) show that inserting a hyphen at constituent boundaries does not have to be detrimental to compound processing. In fact, when hyphens were inserted at the major constituent boundary (voetbal‐bond“football‐association”; lentokenttä‐taksi“airport‐taxi”), processing of the first part (voetbal“football”; lentokenttä“airport”) turns out to be faster when it is followed by a hyphen than when it is legally concatenated. Inserting a hyphen caused a delay in later eye movement measures, which is probably due to the illegality of inserting hyphens in normally concatenated compounds. However, in both Dutch and Finnish we found a learning effect in the course of the experiment, such that by the end of the experiments hyphenated compounds are read faster than in the beginning of the experiment. By the end of the experiment, compounds with a hyphen at the major constituent boundary were actually processed equally fast as (Dutch) or even faster than (Finnish) their concatenated counterparts. In contrast, hyphenation at the minor constituent boundary (voet‐balbond“foot‐ballassociation”; lento‐kenttätaksi“air‐porttaxi”) was detrimental to compound processing speed throughout the experiment. The results imply that the hyphen may be an efficient segmentation cue and that spelling illegalities can be overcome easily, as long as they make sense.     

Phonological processing and lexical access in aphasia

This study explored the relationship between on-line processing of phonological information and lexical access in aphasic patients. A lexical decision paradigm was used in which subjects were presented auditorily with pairs of words or word-like stimuli and were asked to make a lexical decision about the second stimulus in the pair. The initial phonemes of the first word primes, which were semantically related to the real word targets, were systematically changed by one or more than one phonetic feature, e.g., cat-dog, gat-dog, wat-dog. Each of these priming conditions was compared to an unrelated word baseline condition, e.g., nurse-dog. Previous work with normals showed that even a nonword stimulus receives a lexical interpretation if it shares a sufficient number of phonetic features with an actual word in the listener's lexicon. Results indicated a monotonically decreasing degree of facilitation as a function of phonological distortion. In contrast, fluent aphasics showed priming in all phonological distortion conditions relative to the unrelated word baseline. Nonfluent aphasics showed priming only in the undistorted, related word condition relative to the unrelated word baseline. Nevertheless, in a secondary task requiring patients to make a lexical decision on the nonword primes presented singly, all aphasics showed phonological feature sensitivity. These results suggest deficits for aphasic patients in the various processes contributing to lexical access, rather than impairments at the level of lexical organization or phonological organization.     

The influence of language exposure on lexical and syntactic language processing

Previous literature has argued that proficient bilingual speakers often demonstrate monolingual-equivalent structural processing of language (e.g., the processing of structural ambiguities; Frenck-Mestre, 2002). In this paper, we explore this thesis further via on-line examination of the processing of syntactically complex structures with three populations: those who classify as monolingual native English speaker (MNES), those who classify as non-native English speakers (NNES), and those who calssify as bilingual native English speakers (BNES). On-line measures of processing of object-relative constructions demonstrated that both NNES and BNES have different patterns of performance as compared to MNES. Further, NNES and BNES speakers perform differently from one another in such processing. The study also examines the activation of lexical information in biasing contexts, and suggests that different processes are at work in the different type of bilinguals examined here. The nature of these differences and the implications for developing sensitive models of on-line language comprehension are developed and discussed.