负性词语与中性词语的定向遗忘效应

以31名大学生为被试,采用负性词语和中性词语,考察负性情绪项目对被试定向遗忘效应的影响。本研究采用项目法定向遗忘实验范式,通过被试对负性词语和中性词语的再认成绩考察负性词语的定向遗忘效应。结果显示,负性词语和中性词语在记住和遗忘提示线索条件下再认成绩差异显著。但是在遗忘提示条件下,被试对中性词的再认率要显著低于负性词。因此,被试对负性词语和中性词语均可产生显著定向遗忘效应,但负性词的定向遗忘效应要小于中性词。     

高低创造性思维水平者的认知抑制能力：行为和生理的证据

本研究采用2个实验, 考察创造性思维测验得分高低者在Stroop任务干扰条件上的差异, 从行为和生理指标探讨认知抑制与创造性思维的关系, 以及时间压力对认知抑制与创造性思维关系的调节作用。实验1采用Stroop颜色命名任务。结果发现, 相比低创者, 高创者的反应时干扰效应量和正确率干扰效应量均更小。实验2采用更灵活的Stroop字义-颜色命名转换任务, 操纵不同的时间压力条件, 并记录被试完成任务时的皮肤电活动。结果发现, 高创者在有时间压力条件下的干扰效应量显著小于无时间压力条件下, 而低创者在有和无时间压力条件下的干扰效应量无显著差异; 高创者在颜色命名任务的不一致条件下的皮肤电活动变化显著高于一致条件, 而低创者在颜色命名任务的一致和不一致条件下无显著差异。研究表明：总体而言, 相比低创者, 高创者的认知抑制能力更高, 能够有效抑制优势的但不相关的反应倾向。时间压力在认知抑制与创造性思维的关系中起调节作用, 高创者面对不同任务要求能够灵活调整自身的认知抑制水平, 并表现出变化的生理唤醒水平。结果支持创造性思维的适应性认知抑制假说。     

负性情绪词语在外显和内隐记忆测验中的定向遗忘效应

以两类具有不同负性情绪强度值的高频汉语双字词为材料,采用项目法定向遗忘范式,探究负性情绪词语在外显和内隐记忆测验中是否存在定向遗忘效应。结果显示,(1)在外显记忆测验中,强、弱负性词均出现了显著的定向遗忘并且弱负性词的定向遗忘效应大于强负性词;(2)在内隐记忆测验中,只有弱负性词出现了显著的定向遗忘,而强负性词则无。可见,内隐记忆测验中的定向遗忘效应对负性信息比外显记忆测验更加敏感。     

负性情绪材料的定向遗忘及心理机制

采用项目法定向遗忘的研究范式,在两个实验中分别采用文字和图片材料考察了情绪性记忆定向遗忘的效果及其心理机制。实验中采用了中性和负性两种实验材料,设置了两种记忆指令出现时间（2秒后提示和5秒后提示）,相对于中性材料,被试更不容易忘记负性材料。记忆指令出现的时间只影响图片材料的定向遗忘。研究表明负性情绪会干扰定向遗忘,选择性编码理论可以解释情绪性文字材料的定向遗忘,而抑制理论更能解释情绪性图片材料的定向遗忘效应。     

情绪对连续事件定向遗忘的影响

本研究采用项目法定向遗忘范式以中性和负性连续事件的视频为实验材料, 通过2个实验考察了情绪对连续事件定向遗忘的影响, 并进一步探讨了情绪对细节记忆和要义记忆的定向遗忘的影响。结果发现, 情绪可以消除细节记忆的定向遗忘效应, 而仅有要义记忆的定向遗忘效应则主要受到事件连续性而非情绪的影响。     

情绪一致性对有意遗忘的影响

有意遗忘是强调遗忘的有意性和指向性。对负性情绪的有意遗忘有利于个体的身心健康。本研究采用单字范式,实验一以正性、负性和中性情绪词为材料,探讨了情绪材料对有意遗忘的影响。结果发现,三类词语均表现出了显著的有意遗忘效应;实验二在实验一的基础上加入了情绪状态,探讨了情绪状态和情绪材料对有意遗忘的影响,结果发现,在积极情绪状态下,被试更多地遗忘负性情绪词;在消极情绪状态下,被试更多地遗忘中性词。表明个体对情绪信息的有意遗忘既受信息的情绪性影响,又受个体情绪状态的影响。     

高强迫症状个体的定向遗忘和元记忆

将定向遗忘和FOK判断的范式相结合,探讨高强迫症状被试（HOC）和低强迫症状的控制组（LOC）在不同词语类型的条件下,线索回忆和元记忆判断的定向遗忘效应的差异。实验结果表明,HOC组在中性词语条件下比LOC组表现出更低的定向遗忘效应。FOK的结果表明HOC被试对于不同条件的元记忆的分辨能力比LOC组要差,他们在威胁性词语方面,对未来记忆任务的成绩也没有预测性。研究结果从一定程度上支持强迫症的一般记忆损伤模型     

语言标识对情绪体验的影响

本研究通过两个实验考察了语言标识对个体情绪体验的调节作用。实验一探讨了中性标识对不同类型的情绪体验的影响,结果发现与韩文字符标识相比,中性双字词标识时被试对负性图片的消极情绪体验强度显著降低。实验二进一步探讨了不同情绪色彩的词语的标识效应,结果发现与中性标识相比,负性或正性标识时被试对负性图片的消极情绪体验程度更低。结果表明了语言标识对负性情绪体验具有显著的调节作用,并且标识效应的产生依赖于词汇语义信息的通达。     

情绪汉词的主动遗忘效应:ERP研究

尽管证明人类具有主动遗忘能力的研究比较多,但是,探索情绪汉词主动遗忘效应以及电生理机制的实验却非常少。本研究采用事件相关电位技术、T/NT范式探索情绪汉词主动遗忘效应。实验一(行为研究)的结果显示,在中性和情绪汉词条件下,不回忆组的正确率都显著低于基线组,即得到了主动遗忘效应。同时,情绪汉词的主动遗忘效应量小于中性汉词。实验二(脑电研究)结果显示,在200-300ms,Fz,Cz,Pz电极点,回忆组的P2波幅高于不回忆组。在300-400ms,在Fz,Cz,Pz电极点,不回忆组的N2波幅高于回忆组。N2跟抑制过程高度相关,提示抑制是主动遗忘的一个主要原因。在400-500ms,在Pz电极点,回忆组的LPC波幅高于不回忆组。顶叶LPC跟记忆提取高度相关,提示主动遗忘阻止了回忆,这可能是主动遗忘效应发生的内在机制     

负性情绪背景和延迟对时间性前瞻记忆的影响

采用2（情绪效价：负性、中性）×2（延迟设置：无延迟、有延迟）的实验设计,探究负性情绪对时间性前瞻记忆的干扰效应。结果显示在无延迟条件下,负性情绪组的前瞻记忆成绩差于中性情绪组,负性情绪组的总时间监控次数和监控后期的时间监控次数均少于中性情绪组;在有延迟条件下,负性情绪组的前瞻记忆成绩和监控后期的时间监控次数与中性情绪组均无差异。结果说明负性情绪会干扰时间性前瞻记忆,而延迟可以消除这种干扰效应。     

越努力去忘就越能忘记吗？—情绪材料定向遗忘的"剂量效应"

采用项目法定向遗忘研究范式,在两个实验中分别使用情绪性语词和图片材料,考察主观努力程度影响情绪材料定向遗忘的心理机制。研究采用2(语词或图片情绪效价：正词/负词)×2（指示符：记住/忘记)×3（努力程度：20%/60%/100%）的被试内设计,因变量为情绪性语词或图片的再认率和定向遗忘效应。结果表明,正效价词在三种努力程度忘记条件的再认率无差别,而越努力去忘记负效价词,反而越能记住;正负效价的图片材料都呈现出越努力去忘记反而越能记住的特点。以上结果表明,语词与图片分别适合有意识加工和无意识加工,记住指令导致对情绪性语词和图片的选择性复述,符合选择性复述/被动衰退理论,而不同努力程度的忘记指令又引发了对情绪性语词和图片的主动抑制,符合注意抑制/执行控制理论。     

Impaired directed forgetting in abstinent heroin addicts

Drug-related memories persist long into abstinence and are potent elicitors of drug craving and relapse. We report two experiments examining whether heroin-dependent individuals are impaired in intentionally suppressing drug-related memories. Experiment 1 adopted the Item paradigm where addicts and healthy controls were presented with a list of words each followed by a remember or forget cue. Experiment 2 adopted the List paradigm where they studied one list of items and were then split into a remember group and a forget group. Both groups studied a second list, except that the forget group was told to forget the first list. Compared with controls, addicts showed a reduced directed forgetting effect in the Item method and a total absence of one measure of directed forgetting in the List method (List 2 benefits). Results indicate that heroin addicts are impaired in directed forgetting and that the deficits are likely associated with memory encoding as opposed to retrieval. Possible problems include reduced ability in actively suppressing/stopping encoding of irrelevant information into memory or inability in changing/resetting encoding strategies. In neither experiment did the addicts show any differential directed forgetting effects between drug-related words and neutral words, indicating the generic nature of their intentional forgetting deficits.     

Directed forgetting of emotional words

Emotional material may induce processing limitations affecting memory performance. In the present study, the authors investigated how the emotional content of words influences the degree to which participants can be directed to forget them. In Experiment 1, the authors found that negative-valence words were recalled better when participants were told to forget them than when they were told to remember them. This effect was only obtained when a study-list of negative words was presented after the cue to remember or forget the first list. The effect was correlated with negative mood as assessed by the PANAS. Similar results were obtained in Experiment 2, in which the induction of negative arousal by a mild stressor abolished the directed forgetting of words when the following study list was comprised of negative words. These results support the idea that directed forgetting relies on cognitive control processes that may be disrupted by negative emotion.     

Directed forgetting of negative performed actions is difficult: A behavioural study

Strong evidence suggests that both performing actions and emotional stimuli can enhance memory by capturing attention. However, the synergetic effect of the two factors on directed forgetting has not been assessed. In this study, we used an item-method directed forgetting paradigm to examine the forgetting of emotional materials depending on whether actions were performed. The results showed that action performance influenced the directed forgetting of emotional words. Specifically, when actions were performed there was a directed forgetting effect for neutral and positive words but not for negative words. In comparison, for verbal tasks, directed forgetting was observed for all words. The elaborative encoding prior to the remember/forget instructions and the influence of negative emotion on attentional inhibition after the presentation of the instructions together suggest that it is more difficult to intentionally forget negative performed actions.     

The Directed Forgetting Effect in Word-fragment Completion: An Application of the Process Dissociation Procedure

In three experiments, subjects were asked to remember and forget study words. In line with previous studies, a directed forgetting effect was observed in a word-fragment completion task: Instructions to remember increased the completion of target fragments compared with instructions to forget (Experiment 1). Using the process dissociation procedure (Jacoby, 1991), it appeared that instructions to remember increased the estimates of intentional influences of memory but did not affect the estimates of automatic uses of memory (Experiments 1, 2 and 3). This suggests that directed forgetting effects in word-fragment completion reflect the surreptitious influence of explicit memory in a nominally implicit memory task. However, a meta-analysis indicated that directed forgetting instructions affected automatic and intentional influences of memory in opposite directions. This finding casts doubt on the assumption of independence between automatic and intentional uses of memory. The implications for use of the process dissociation procedure are discussed.     

Are we aware of our ability to forget? Metacognitive predictions of directed forgetting

It is often important to accurately predict not only what information we will later remember, but also what information we are likely to forget. The present research examined these abilities in the context of item-method directed forgetting, to determine whether people are aware of their strategic control of remembering and forgetting, as well as what cues are used when making metacognitive judgments. Participants studied words, each of which was followed by a cue to remember (R) or forget (F) the word for an upcoming test, and also made predictions of how likely they would be to later recall each word. When asked to recall all of the words, regardless of cue, both recall and predicted recall were fairly sensitive to the R or F instructions, despite some overconfidence. A similar and stronger pattern was found when words were assigned positive or negative point values as cues to remember or forget. These findings suggest that item-based cues to remember or forget information can be successfully utilized when making metacognitive judgments, and that people are fairly aware of the control they have over both remembering and forgetting information.     

Repetition effects in directed forgetting: evidence for retrieval inhibition

Four experiments were conducted in support of a role for memory retrieval inhibition in directed forgetting. In each experiment, subjects were presented a list of words, some of which they were instructed to remember and some of which they were instructed to forget. After a recall test for all the words, the list was repeated. This time, however, all the words were presented with instructions that they be remembered. The improvement in recall from Trial 1 to Trial 2 was greater for the “forget” (F) words than for the “remember” (R) words. This difference was not due to a memorization-difficulty, item-selection effect (Experiment 2), a differential priority for rehearsal or output position given to the F items on Trial 2 (Experiment 3), or the greater number of F items left to be learned after Trial 1 (Experiment 4). Thus, the differential improvement from List 1 to List 2 for the F items was interpreted as a release of retrieval inhibition owing to the change in cue from forget to remember.     

Divided attention facilitates intentional forgetting: evidence from item-method directed forgetting

This study examined the effects of post-cue interval and cognitive load on item-method directed forgetting. The results of Experiment 1 (free recall test) and Experiment 2 (cued recall test) showed that forget item retention increased as the post-cue interval increased. Moreover, increasing the cognitive load of participants by asking them to perform a secondary counting task did not impair, but rather facilitated, the intentional forgetting of the studied item under long post-cue interval conditions. These results and analyses of recall gains from the additional use of the independent cue suggest that the improved recall of forget items caused by an increase in the post-cue interval came from an automatic process, and that after receiving the forget cue, participants did not engage a suppression operation that was resource-demanded. The current findings suggest that forgetting is more effective when participants perform a secondary task after receiving the forget cue.     

Knowing what to remember and forget: A developmental study of cue memory in intentional forgetting

These experiments are the first to investigate children’s encoding and use of information about a memory cue in Bjork’s (1972) intentional forgetting task. In Experiment 1, children in Grades 2, 4, and 6 and college students were given cues to either remember or forget after the presentation of each picture. Recall and recognition tests of pictures and cues followed. The procedure in Experiment 2 was identical to that in Experiment 1 except that the list of presentation pictures was altered for some children (Grades 3 and 4) and adolescents (Grades 8 and 9) so that remember and forget cues were associated with particular taxonomic categories. In Experiment 3, the testing component was modified so that children (Grades 2, 3, and 4) and college students were asked to recall only the cue associated with each picture. The results indicated that (1) children as young as second graders encode the cue associated with each picture, although to a lesser extent than do college students, (2) much improvement in intentional forgetting is still occurring during adolescence, (3) only adults adequately cluster their recall by cue, (4) associating remember and forget cues with items from different categories does not increase the differentiation between cues, and (5) eliminating picture recall and recognition has minimal effects on the magnitude of cue judgments. These results suggest that children’s difficulties on intentional forgetting tasks stem, at least in part, from their poorer encoding of information about whether an item should be remembered or forgotten.