非言语声音影响汉语听者言语声音的知觉

采用启动范式, 以汉语听者为被试, 考察了非言语声音是否影响言语声音的知觉。实验1考察了纯音对辅音范畴连续体知觉的影响, 结果发现纯音影响到辅音范畴连续体的知觉, 表现出频谱对比效应。实验2考察了纯音和复合音对元音知觉的影响, 结果发现与元音共振峰频率一致的纯音或复合音加快了元音的识别, 表现出启动效应。两个实验一致发现非言语声音能够影响言语声音的知觉, 表明言语声音知觉也需要一个前言语的频谱特征分析阶段, 这与言语知觉听觉理论的观点一致。     

元音范畴知觉中特征分析和整合的时间进程

采用启动范式,在三个实验中通过操纵启动音和目标音的频谱相似度和时间间隔,考察了汉语听者元音范畴知觉中特征分析和整合的时间进程。结果发现随着启动音（从纯音、复合音到目标元音本身）和目标元音频谱相似度的增加,启动效应延续的时间越来越长。实验结果支持语音范畴知觉存在早期的声学特征分析和整合到后期的范畴知觉阶段,并为这些加工阶段的时间进程提供了初步的证据。     

汉语塞-元-塞音序列语境效应机制探讨

以汉语塞-元音节(/pa/、/pi/和/pu/)及其声学线索的非言语模拟音为语境音,汉语/ta/-/ka/连续体为目标音,在3个实验中考察了语境音对汉语听者识别目标音的影响及潜在机制。实验1发现3个塞-元音节的语境效应与频谱对比效应的预期部分一致,与发音特征理论的预期相矛盾。实验2和实验3发现3个塞-元音节关键声学线索(第二共振峰轨迹)的非言语模拟音和所有共振峰轨迹的非言语模拟音表现出类似的语境效应,二者与3个塞-元音节的语境效应总体上一致,但细节方面存在一些差别。实验结果表明塞-元-塞音序列的语境效应主要源于语境音节关键声学线索的差异,这为听觉理论提供了支持,但语境音的语音范畴也部分影响到3个音节的语境效应模式。另外实验结果发现远离目标音关键声学线索频率区的语境音也促进了特定语音范畴的识别,可能由于语境音激活了相应语音范畴的声学线索。     

长时重复启动范式下言语理解中的信息表征

采用长时重复启动范式进一步探讨言语理解中信息表征的方式.实验1探讨听力理解中的信息表征,学习阶段采用句子理解任务,测验阶段进行图片判断任务,结果发现匹配和不匹配的图片的反应时和正确率没有显著差异,学过和未学过的图片的反应时和正确率也没有显著差异,说明听力理解中的信息表征是命题符号表征,而非知觉符号表征.实验2探讨阅读理解中的信息表征,结果同实验1,说明阅读理解中的信息表征也是命题符号表征,而非知觉符号表征.实验3在学习阶段和测验阶段都采用句子理解任务,结果发现学过的句子的反应时快于未学过的句子的反应时,学过的句子的正确率高于未学过的句子的正确率,说明前两个实验中没有出现学习效应是因为两个阶段任务类型差异较大造成的.综合3个实验的结果,可以初步得出结论,排除策略影响后,言语理解中没有产生知觉符号表征,先前句图匹配范式下的知觉符号表征很可能是一种策略性的表征.     

塞辅音范畴通达的时间进程：来自语境效应的证据

采用语境效应范式,以汉语听者为被试,在三个实验中考察了塞辅音声学信息和语音信息激活的时间进程。实验1语境刺激是/ta/、/ka/音节和/ta/、/ka/塞音段的声学模拟音,目标刺激是/ta/-/ka/对比连续体,结果发现,塞音声学信息激活没有产生语境效应。实验2语境刺激是/ta/、/ka/音节和/ta/、/ka/塞音段,结果发现塞音语音信息激活产生了显著的对比语境效应。实验3变化塞音段和目标刺激之间的间隔,系统考察塞音范畴通达的时间进程,结果发现,塞音知觉中听觉加工阶段向语音加工阶段的转变约发生于刺激加工后120 ms。实验结果揭示了塞辅音知觉中音位范畴通达的时间进程。     

婴儿期母语音位范畴习得：来自言语知觉的证据

婴儿期言语知觉研究表明婴儿最初（1~4个月）可以分辨几乎所有的语音范畴对比;随母语经验增加,婴儿言语知觉逐渐表现出母语语音特征的影响,辅音知觉表现为对母语语音范畴界限敏感性的提高和对非母语范畴界限敏感性的下降,非母语范畴开始同化到母语音系中去,母语元音知觉表现出知觉磁体效应。这些证据表明婴儿逐渐习得母语音位范畴,音位范畴习得顺序可能依赖范畴例子本身的声学特征、发生频率等因素     

反应选项对时序知觉重复启动效应的影响

先前研究采用两项反应任务发现了时序知觉重复启动效应, 这可能是反应选项导致的虚假效应, 本研究采用三项反应任务对此进行了检验。实验1运用三项判断任务以消除缺乏中间选项所致的反应偏向, 结果发现重复启动显著影响“哪个图形先出现”和“两个图形同时出现”的时序判断; 实验2在实验1的基础上对“同时出现”反应选项进行两种指导语操作, 实验结果不仅与实验1一致, 而且“有把握时判断为同时出现”和“有无把握都判断为同时出现”之间没有显著差异, 说明被试能够识别时序加以判断, 不支持反应偏向的前提条件。因此, 时序知觉重复启动效应不是反应选项产生的反应偏向引发的虚假效应, 重复启动对“系列性”和“同时性”时序知觉都存在显著影响。     

汉语语音范畴性知觉及其发展

范畴性是言语知觉的一个显著特征,长期以来一直受到研究者的普遍关注。但汉语不同语音特征的范畴性知觉特点及其发展模式迄今为止还很少有研究涉及。本研究利用语音合成的方法分别改变辅音的送气/不送气特征和声调的基频曲线,生成语音刺激连续体,采用范畴性知觉的经典研究范式探讨了汉语正常成人被试嗓音启动时间（Voice onset time,VOT）和声调范畴性知觉的特点及不同年龄儿童的发展模式。研究结果表明：（1）成人被试对VOT和声调的知觉是范畴性的;（2）对于汉语声调特征,6岁儿童已经具有类似成人的范畴性知觉能力;而在VOT这一维度上,范畴知觉能力随着年龄发展不断精细化,但7岁儿童也尚未达到成年人的敏感程度,说明汉语VOT和声调这两个不同的语音特征经历了不同的发展模式。     

判断框架对时序知觉位置启动效应的影响

研究采用包含两种判断框架（判断刺激出现的先后次序）的时序判断任务探讨了决策偏向对时序知觉位置启动效应的影响。实验结果表明,时序知觉中存在着位置启动效应,而且在两个靶刺激出现时间间隔不同时,被试在“哪个靶刺激先出现”和“哪个靶刺激后出现”两种判断框架下的正确率存在显著差异,但在两个靶刺激同时出现时并没有出现显著的判断框架效应。因此,本研究推测时序知觉位置启动效应的作用机制不仅包括知觉增强加工过程,而且也与认知决策有关,这为反应偏向理论提供了新的支持证据。     

习得的语言范畴影响颜色知觉的机制:来自ERP的证据

本研究以两个实验探讨了习得的语言范畴影响颜色知觉的机制.实验1让被试接受短期“色-词”重组训练,使原先范畴内的两种颜色变为范畴间的颜色,训练前后完成视觉搜索任务.反应时结果显示,在训练后,与训练的两种颜色近似的另外两种颜色的知觉表现出边缘显著的偏侧化颜色范畴效应.实验2让被试接受与实验1相同的训练后,完成视觉Oddball任务.ERP结果显示,在训练后,与训练的两种颜色近似的另外两种颜色的偏差刺激在早期知觉阶段就表现出偏侧化vMMN效应.这些结果表明:习得的语言范畴能影响早期的、注意前的颜色知觉机能,且这一影响过程可以在短期内完成;习得的语言范畴会影响颜色知觉范畴,而非仅影响特定颜色点的知觉机能.     

Speech perception and the discrimination of brief auditory cues in reading disabled children

The processing of speech and nonspeech sounds by 23 reading disabled children and their age- and sex-matched controls was examined in a task requiring them to identify and report the order of pairs of stimuli. Reading disabled children were impaired in making judgments with very brief tones and with stop consonant syllables at short interstimulus intervals (ISI's). They had no unusual difficulty with vowel stimuli, vowel stimuli in a white noise background, or very brief visual figures. Poor performance on the tones and stop consonants appears to be due to specific difficulty in processing very brief auditory cues. The reading disabled children also showed deficits in the perception of naturally produced words, less sharply defined category boundaries, and a greater reliance on context in making phoneme identifications. The results suggest a perceptual deficit in some reading disabled children, which interferes with the processing of phonological information.     

The processing of consonants and vowels in reading: evidence from the fast priming paradigm

We assessed the early encoding of consonant and vowel information in the reading of English, using the fast priming paradigm. With 30-msec prime durations, gaze durations on target words were shorter when preceded by high-frequency consonant-same primes (which shared consonant information with the target word; e.g., lake-like) than when preceded by vowel-same primes (which shared vowel information with the target word; e.g., line-like), but there were no priming effects for low-frequency primes. With 45-msec prime durations, however, there was no effect of prime frequency and gaze durations on target words were shortened equally when they were preceded by consonant-same primes and vowelsame primes, as compared with control primes (e.g., late-like). The results suggest that the processing of consonants is more rapid than that of vowels, providing further evidence for the distinction between consonant and vowel processing in the reading of English.     

Phonological context in speech perception

Speech perception can be viewed in terms of the listener’s integration of two sources of information: the acoustic features transduced by the auditory receptor system and the context of the linguistic message. The present research asked how these sources were evaluated and integrated in the identification of synthetic speech. A speech continuum between the glide-vowel syllables /ri/ and /li/ was generated by varying the onset frequency of the third formant. Each sound along the continuum was placed in a consonant-cluster vowel syllable after an initial consonant /p/, /t/, /s/, and /v/. In English, both /r/ and /l/ are phonologically admissible following /p/ but are not admissible following /v/. Only /l/ is admissible following /s/ and only /r/ is admissible following /t/. A third experiment used synthetic consonant-cluster vowel syllables in which the first consonant varied between /b/ and /d and the second consonant varied between /l/ and /r/. Identification of synthetic speech varying in both acoustic featural information and phonological context allowed quantitative tests of various models of how these two sources of information are evaluated and integrated in speech perception.     

Perceptual effects of preceding nonspeech rate on temporal properties of speech categories

The rate of context speech can influence phonetic perception. This study investigated the bounds of rate dependence by observing the influence of nonspeech precursor rate on speech categorization. Three experiments tested the effects of pure-tone precursor presentation rate on the perception of a [ba]-[wa] series defined by duration-varying formant transitions that shared critical temporal and spectral characteristics with the tones. Results showed small but consistent shifts in the stop-continuant boundary distinguishing [ba] and [wa] syllables as a function of the rate of precursor tones, across various manipulations in the amplitude of the tones. The effect of the tone precursors extended to the entire graded structure of the [w] category, as estimated by category goodness judgments. These results suggest a role for durational contrast in rate-dependent speech categorization.     

Contingent feature analysis in speech perception

A contingent adaptation effect is reported for speech perception. Experiments were conducted to test the effects of an alternating sequence of two adapting syllables, [da] and [t^hi], on the perception of two series of synthetic speech syllables, [ba]-[p^ha] and [bi]-[p^hi]. Each of the test series consisted of 11 stimuli varying in voice onset time, a cue which distinguishes voiced from voiceless stop consonants in word-initial position. The [da]-[t^hi] adapting sequence produced opposite shifts in the loci of the phonetic boundaries for the two test series. For the [ba]-[p^ha] series, listeners made fewer identification responses to the [b] category after adaptation, while for the [bi]-[p^hi] series, listeners made more responses to the [b] category. The opposing shifts indicate that the perceptual analysis of voicing in stop consonants is carried out with respect to vowel environment.     

Susceptibility of a stop consonant to adaptation on a speech-nonspeech continuum: Further evidence against feature detectors in speech perception

The present experiment uses the perceptual adaptation paradigm to establish the validity of a previous test of the feature detector model of speech perception. In the present study, a synthetic stimulus series varied from a CV syllable, [ba], to a nonspeech buzz. When the endpoint tokens were employed alternatively as adaptors, the category boundary was shifted relative to unadapted identification in each adaptor condition. This result suggests that a prior test which used a vowel as the speech endpoint was legitimate because a stop consonant, an exemplary speech sound, was also susceptible to perceptual adaptation in a speech-nonspeech context. Feature detector models predict, incorrectly, that this outcome is impossible. Therefore, this finding may be taken to undermine the interpretation of adaptation as fatigue in a set of detectors tuned to detect the distinctive features of linguistic analysis.     

Input to verbal working memory: Preattentive construction of the central speech representation

Working memory uses central sound representations as an informational basis. The central sound representation is the temporally and feature-integrated mental representation that corresponds to phenomenal perception. It is used in (higher-order) mental operations and stored in long-term memory. In the bottom-up processing path, the central sound representation can be probed at the level of auditory sensory memory with the mismatch negativity (MMN) of the event-related potential. The present paper reviews a newly developed MMN paradigm to tap into the processing of speech sound representations. Preattentive vowel categorization based on F1-F2 formant information occurs in speech sounds and complex tones even under conditions of high variability of the auditory input. However, an additional experiment demonstrated the limits of the preattentive categorization of language-relevant information. It tested whether the system categorizes complex tones containing the F1 and F2 formant components of the vowel /a/ differently than six sounds with nonlanguage-like F1-F2 combinations. From the absence of an MMN in this experiment, it is concluded that no adequate vowel representation was constructed. This shows limitations of the capability of preattentive vowel categorization.     

Phoneme‐Order Encoding During Spoken Word Recognition: A Priming Investigation

In three experiments, we examined priming effects where primes were formed by transposing the first and last phoneme of tri‐phonemic target words (e.g., /byt/ as a prime for /tyb/). Auditory lexical decisions were found not to be sensitive to this transposed‐phoneme priming manipulation in long‐term priming (Experiment 1), with primes and targets presented in two separated blocks of stimuli and with unrelated primes used as control condition (/mul/‐/tyb/), while a long‐term repetition priming effect was observed (/tyb/‐/tyb/). However, a clear transposed‐phoneme priming effect was found in two short‐term priming experiments (Experiments 2 and 3), with primes and targets presented in close temporal succession. The transposed‐phoneme priming effect was found when unrelated prime‐target pairs (/mul/‐/tyb/) were used as control and more important when prime‐target pairs sharing the medial vowel (/pys/‐/tyb/) served as control condition, thus indicating that the effect is not due to vocalic overlap. Finally, in Experiment 3, a transposed‐phoneme priming effect was found when primes sharing the medial vowel plus one consonant in an incorrect position with the targets (/byl/‐/tyb/) served as control condition, and this condition did not differ significantly from the vowel‐only condition. Altogether, these results provide further evidence for a role for position‐independent phonemes in spoken word recognition, such that a phoneme at a given position in a word also provides evidence for the presence of words that contain that phoneme at a different position.