The influence of an early interview on long‐term recall: a comparative analysis

Because of burgeoning participation by children in forensic situations there is significant concern about children's memory for stressful events. Influence of timing of the first interview and interview frequency on long‐term recall were evaluated by comparing three groups of 3‐ to 9‐year‐olds 1 year after an injury requiring emergency room treatment. One group had one interview, a year after injury; another group had two interviews, immediately and a year later; the third group had three interviews, immediately, 6 months and a year after injury. The type of event and timing of the initial interview influenced completeness and accuracy of recall after 1 year. All children showed extensive recall but having an immediate interview was associated with greater completeness and accuracy for 3–4‐year‐olds but not older children. This suggests a social influence: a highly structured and organized early interview may have beneficial effects on memory for preschoolers. Implications for questioning and testimony are discussed. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Participants' postexperimental reactions and the ethics of bystander research

Researchers and review boards lack an empirical base for evaluating the ethics of proposed research procedures. This paper contributes to such a base by reporting participants' postexperimental affective reactions to bystander experiments employing deception and their evaluations of the ethics of these experiments. Anonymous “ethics” questionnaires were administered to 231 subjects who had participated in one of three laboratory experiments on helping and had been debriefed. Participants reported very little negative affect. Most viewed the research as ethically justified, and found their participation both instructive and enjoyable. There was little variation in reactions as a function of subjects' sex, the particular experiment they had participated in, and their behavior during the experiment. Implications of these findings for assessing the ethics of future deceptive and stressful research are discussed.     

Channel-capacity, intelligibility and immediate memory

When subjects try to remember lists of digits played to them through pulse-modulated white noise the number of errors they make is greater than would be expected if digitrecognition errors and immediate memory errors were independent (Exp. 1).

A second experiment compared recall of digits in early list positions, when digits in subsequent list positions were presented through noise, and in clear. Digits in early positions were less well remembered when digits in later list positions had to be discriminated through noise.

In a third experiment prose passages were played to subjects who subsequently answered questions about their factual content. Judged by this technique recall of the first half of a prose passage is less accurate if the second half must be heard through noise than if the entire passage is heard through a good fidelity system. These results together are interpreted as demonstrations that increased difficulty of recognition of speech through noise may interfere with other activities, (conveniently termed “rehearsal”) which may be necessary to efficiently retain data in memory.     

Very Long-term Recall in Infants: Infantile Amnesia Reconsidered

Abstract

Subjects who had participated in a study on non-verbal recall before their first birthday returned to the laboratory one year later and were tested for recall of their previous visit. During their previous visit they had shown recall of both familiar and novel actions on a set of novel objects. However, after a year's delay, evidence for recall was found for the familiar actions only. One action in particular was responsible for this finding: feeding a teddy bear with a schematic bottle. The majority of the returning subjects who had been shown this action repeated it after a year, whereas none of the other returning subjects and few of the subjects in the control groups performed this action. The results indicate that young infants have the ability to recall an event both at 11 months of age and after a delay as long as one year. The finding that infants can recall during a period that later becomes inaccessible to memory is important to our understanding of infantile amnesia.     

When they were very young: Almost-threes remember two years ago

Five children who had participated 15–19 times between 6–40 weeks of age in a study of the perception of auditory space returned to the laboratory two years later. The original experimental sequence, which entailed trials in both light and darkness, was carried out along with several additional memory probes. Five control subjects, age, and sex mates who had not previously participated, also experienced the test procedure. Behavior was videotaped and recorded by two observers, and the control and experimental groups were compared on a series of measures. Several measures provide indications that the 2-year-olds remembered what they did in the laboratory two years before; specifically, they retained memory for early action sequences. The findings are of particular interest because a transition from preverbal to verbal functioning marks this 2-year period of development.     

A 2‐year‐old child's memory of hospitalization during early infancy

A child who had had surgery at 5 months of age, and who had been treated at the time for post‐traumatic symptoms (reported in a previous paper by the author), was interviewed 2 years later and almost 3 years later to test for possible verbal recall of his hospitalization. He appeared to have some memories of the experience at 29 months of age, and he was able to superimpose verbal labels onto the preverbal memories. At 40 months of age, however, the memories were no longer verbally accessible. The results are discussed in the context of different theories of encoding, storage, retrieval, and loss of early memories. The findings from this study support other findings indicating that there appears to be some form of long‐term memory in place early in life, at least for highly salient, traumatic events. There may be one memory system for traumatic memories, fully functional at birth, and a later developing, different system for neutral memories. It is further hypothesized that there may be a sensitive period around 2–3 years of age for the recall of early traumatic memories, and that verbal recall is more likely to be present in verbally precocious children during that period. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Memory for traumatic events

This research compares memory for traumatic events with memory for non-traumatic versions of the same event. In Experiment 1, subjects watched an event depicted in slides while focusing and rehearsing the central detail of each slide. They were tested after a short or a longer retention interval (20 min or 2 weeks). Subjects who watched the traumatic version were better able to recall the central details that they had rehearsed, but were less well able to recognize the specific slides that they saw. Better recall for the traumatic group did not occur because the words used to describe the recalled details were inherently more memorable, as shown in Experiment 2. In Experiment 3, subjects watched either a traumatic or non-traumatic version of a filmed event and about 6 months later they were asked to remember the essence of the film. Subjects who saw the traumatic version were better able to recall the essence of the film. A similar finding was obtained with a group of subjects from Experiment 1 who were also contacted about 6 months after their initial participation. These results suggest that some information (the essence, the theme) of a traumatic event might be relatively well retained in memory, while memory is impaired for many of the specific, and especially peripheral, details.     

Anticipation of future interaction and the bystander effect

Previous research suggests that people are slower to offer help in an emergency when there are other witnesses than when there are not. This finding has come to be known as the bystander effect. In research that has demonstrated this effect, however, the other witnesses were invariably anonymous others who had no relationship with the subject and with whom the subject probably did not expect to interact again. The present research examined the hypothesis that the expectation of participating in subsequent face-to-face interaction with other bystanders would cause the bystander effect to be minimized. Female college students were led to believe either that they would have no personal contact with the other participants in an ostensible group discussion, or that the participants would be involved in a later face-to-face discussion session. Each subject then participated in what she believed to be an anonymous discussion via intercoms, involving either one person or five persons beside herself. During this period, an ostensible co-subject experienced a choking fit. Help was offered more quickly among subjects who expected future interaction than among those who did not. In the no future interaction condition, latencies to help were longer in six-member than in two-member groups, but the comparable difference, although in the same direction, was not reliable among subjects who expected interaction. Presence of male “co-subjects” in an exploratory condition failed to inhibit helping. Discussion centers on the broader implications of the findings.     

Children's memory of events: effects of stress,age, time delay and location of interview

To examine the ability of children aged between 4 and 12 years to recall a stressful event (venipuncture) compared with a non-stressful event (demonstration of venipuncture), recall was tested after 6–8 weeks. Half also had recall tested after 2–7 days. Testing took place where the stressful event occurred (n=122) or at a neutral location (n=127). Children who experienced the stressful event were less likely to give inaccurate responses in free recall or to acquiesce to suggestive misleading questions. Apart from incorrect responses in free recall, correct responses increased and incorrect responses decreased with increasing age. Recall after 2–7 days was superior to recall after 6–8 weeks. Those who had an early and a late interview had better recall at the late interview than those who had a late interview only. The location of interview showed no effects on recall. © 1998 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

An independent replication of the effectiveness of the cognitive interview

The cognitive interview developed by Geiselman and co-workers is a set of memory retrieval aids to enhance recall in memory tasks such as eyewitness reports. This research is a replication of the study of Geiselman, Fischer, Firstenberg, Hutton, Sullivan, Avetissian and Prosk (1984) with a German version of the cognitive interview. Twenty-nine subjects participated and saw a short film in an incidental learning situation. Approximately 6 days later the participants were questioned about one scene of the film. Fourteen subjects received the cognitive interview instructions and 15 were questioned without special instructions. First, subjects gave a written free report of the scene and subsequently answered more specific questions concerning details. The results clearly indicate that the cognitive interview enhances memory retrieval in free recall conditions but this effect is reduced to specific questions. The effects are discussed in terms of a possible underlying memory organization and the use of retrieval strategies.     

Are two heads better than one? Peer support and children's eyewitness reports

This study examined the effects of peer support on children's event reports. In Experiment 1, 48 children aged between 5 and 10 years who had been scheduled for a school dental visit involving an invasive procedure were interviewed about it 2–4 days later. Children were interviewed alone, with an informed peer (who had also recently had a dental appointment), or with an uninformed peer. Anxiety was assessed both prior to the dental appointment and at the time of the recall interview. Peer support did not influence children's anxiety or the amount or the accuracy of information reported in prompted recall. However, younger children interviewed alone were significantly more likely to be misled than those interviewed in the presence of a support child. In Experiment 2, children aged between 5 and 7 years took part in a neutral event contrived for the study. They were interviewed about it 3 days later, either alone or with an informed or uninformed support child present. The support child was encouraged to take an active part in the interview and to help the target child to describe what happened. Peer support did not influence the recall of the target child in either prompted recall or in response to questions. However, together the target and informed support children reported more information than did children interviewed alone or with uninformed support. © 1997 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

An Analysis of the Self-Handicapping Scale

Two experiments explored the impact of a highly publicized news event (the mistaken identification of an innocent man) on juror decision-making. In Experiment 1,168 students rendered verdicts after reading about a trial that involved eyewitness testimony. Subjects who participated in the experiment while the critical story was prominently in the news were less likely to convict a hypothetical defendant than subjects who participated three months before or afterward. In Experiment 2, subjects were 72 ordinary citizens who either had or had not read a magazine article about a mistakenly identified man. The former subjects were less likely to convict than the latter. These results raise questions about the extent to which current local or world events influence the outcome of psychological research and courtroom trials.     

Props,not pictures,are worth a thousand words: verbal accessibility of early memories under different conditions of contextual support

When they are tested nonverbally, even young children demonstrate long-term recall. There have been few studies of whether early memories later are verbally accessible; the results of those that exist are mixed. Inconsistencies may be due to differences in the contextual cues provided at the time of recall. In two experiments, children 13–20 months were exposed to multi-step sequences and tested for nonverbal recall after 3–6 months. At age 3 years, they were tested verbally, under varying conditions of contextual support: in the original laboratory with event-related props versus at home with photographs of the props (Experiment 1), and at home with props (Experiment 2). Children younger than 20 months at initial experience of the events did not demonstrate verbal recall. Children who were 20 months at the initial exposure recalled verbally, as long as they had physical props as cues, regardless of whether testing took place at home or in the laboratory. This research informs the conditions under which memories from very early childhood later can be recalled verbally. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

FIRST YEAR CAMPUS ACQUAINTANCE RAPE EDUCATION Evaluating the Impact of a Mandatory Intervention

The current study was designed to evaluate the impact of First Year Campus Acquaintance Rape Education (FYCARE), a mandatory program for first year undergraduates. First, questionnaires were administered to 48 FYCARE participants assessed immediately following workshop participation, 76 FYCARE participants sampled through the unrelated context of introductory psychology courses, and 67 students sampled through introductory psychology who had not yet attended their scheduled FYCARE workshop. Second, ostensibly unrelated telephone surveys were conducted with 93 students who participated in FYCARE 4 to 6 months earlier and 77 first year students who had not yet attended their scheduled workshop. Results indicated a positive impact of participation on attitudes and judgments of a hypothetical scenario, but only when assessed immediately following workshop participation. In contrast, increases in knowledge were maintained for a period of up to 7 weeks, and phone survey responses revealed an increase in the level of support for rape prevention efforts 4 to 6 months following program participation. Finally, superior outcomes were observed among students involved in more than one educational program, thus highlighting the need for repeated intervention.     

Returning to the scene: reminders and context reinstatement enhance children's recall.

Two studies examined the efficacy of context reinstatement as a reminder in enhancing 5- to 7-year-old children's recall. In Experiment 1, children who had been interviewed shortly after an event were reinterviewed 6 months later. Children exposed to a context reminder 24 hr before the 6-month interview and children interviewed in the event context did not differ but reported significantly more information in a verbal interview than children receiving a standard interview. A control group experienced the reminder but not the event and established that the effects of the reminder were not due to new learning. There was no effect of the reminder on accuracy and no effect in reenactment. In Experiment 2, children were interviewed for the first time after 6 months, and effects of the reminder were found for both verbal recall and reenactment. Nonverbal reminders may effectively enhance the amount of information children report without decreasing accuracy.     

Assessing Recall in Mothers’ Retrospective Reports: Concerns Over Children’s Speech and Language Development

Retrospective recall about children’s symptoms is used to establish early developmental patterns in clinical practice and is also utilised in child psychopathology research. Some studies have indicated that the accuracy of retrospective recall is influenced by life events. Our hypothesis was that an intervention: speech and language therapy, would adversely affect the accuracy of parent recall of early concerns about their child’s speech and language development. Mothers (n?=?5,390) reported on their child’s speech development (child male to female ratio = 50:50) when their children were aged 18 or 30 months, and also reported on these early concerns retrospectively, 10 years later, when their children were 13 years old. Overall reliability of retrospective recall was good, 86 % of respondents accurately recalling their earlier concerns. As hypothesised, however, the speech and language intervention was strongly associated with inaccurate retrospective recall about concerns in the early years (Relative Risk Ratio = 19.03; 95 % CI:14.78–24.48). Attendance at speech therapy was associated with increased recall of concerns that were not reported at the time. The study suggests caution is required when interpreting retrospective reports of abnormal child development as recall may be influenced by intervening events.     

The effect of another bystander's ability to help on bystander intervention in an emergency

Previous research in bystander intervention found that the presence of other bystanders reduced the speed of reporting an emergency. The present research tested the hypothesis that it is not the mere presence of others that reduces speed of helping, but how the others are perceived. Specifically, if another bystander is seen as not being able to help, then there should be no effect on the speed with which the S helps. Subjects who thought they were in an ESP experiment overheard what seemed to be an emergency. A “victim” cried out that a bookcase was falling on her; this was followed by a scream and a loud crash. There was no difference in helping behavior between the condition in which there were no other bystanders present and the condition in which the other bystander could not help. However, as predicted, Ss in both of these conditions helped significantly sooner than Ss in the condition in which the other bystander was perceived as being able to help.     

The effects of intervening experiences on children's memory for a physical examination

To examine the extent to which children's long‐term retention is influenced (both positively and negatively) by intervening events, the impact of three programmed experiences on later recall of the details of a physical examination was explored. Four groups of 3‐ and 5‐year‐olds were established, with all children being interviewed immediately after their check‐ups and then again after 12 weeks. The groups, however, differed in terms of their experiences midway through the delay interval. At each age level, children in three experimental groups received either a complete interview about the physical examination, a return visit to the pediatrician's office, or an opportunity to view a videotape that showed a child receiving an actual check‐up. Children in a fourth group served as controls in that they were not seen during the delay period. Recall of standard features was scored, along with responses to questions concerning procedures that did not occur. The results indicated mixed mnemonic effects for the differential intervening experiences. In comparison to the control group, children at each age who had received an additional interview or who had observed the videotape showed elevated open‐ended recall at the 12‐week interview. In addition, the videotape manipulation, as well as the return visit to the doctor's office, was associated with a marked decrease in the 5‐ but not the 3‐year‐olds' accuracy regarding questions about activities not included in the physical examinations. The results are discussed in terms of factors that affect the facilitation and distortion of memory over long temporal delays. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Timing moderates the effects of repeated suggestive interviewing on children's eyewitness memory

The relative role of the timing and repetition of misinformation on the accuracy of children's recall was examined in two experiments. Kindergarten children participated in a magic show and about 40 days later had a memory test. Between the magic show and the memory test, the children were suggestively interviewed either one time in a relatively ‘early’ interview (temporally closer to the magic show than the memory test) or a relatively ‘late’ interview (closer to the memory test than the magic show), or in both suggestive interviews. The timing of the suggestive interviewing was manipulated so that the interview was temporally distant from the event or memory test or temporally close to the event or memory test. Repeated interviewing heightened misinformation effects only when the children received the two interview sessions temporally close to the event and memory test. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Subject Competence and Minimization of the Bystander Effect

While performing a drawing task, either alone or in the presence of an observer, high- and low-competent subjects heard a workman fall off a ladder in an adjoining room. As expected, high-competent subjects (Registered Nurses) who witnessed the emergency with another bystander helped as frequently as subjects who witnessed the emergency alone; low-competent subjects (general students) evidenced the familiar bystander effect. Responses to the post-emergency questionnaire indicated that at the time of the emergency both high- and low-competent subjects felt strongly that they should do something to help the workman. The minimization of the bystander effect for the high-competent subjects was mediated by confidence in their ability to help the workman and in knowing what steps to take to help. Discussion focused on the role of subject competency in bystander intervention, effective debriefing, and the subjects' positive reactions to participating in a bystander experiment.