Human ostensive signals do not enhance gaze following in chimpanzees,but do enhance object-oriented attention

The previous studies have shown that human infants and domestic dogs follow the gaze of a human agent only when the agent has addressed them ostensively—e.g., by making eye contact, or calling their name. This evidence is interpreted as showing that they expect ostensive signals to precede referential information. The present study tested chimpanzees, one of the closest relatives to humans, in a series of eye-tracking experiments using an experimental design adapted from these previous studies. In the ostension conditions, a human actor made eye contact, called the participant’s name, and then looked at one of two objects. In the control conditions, a salient cue, which differed in each experiment (a colorful object, the actor’s nodding, or an eating action), attracted participants’ attention to the actor’s face, and then the actor looked at the object. Overall, chimpanzees followed the actor’s gaze to the cued object in both ostension and control conditions, and the ostensive signals did not enhance gaze following more than the control attention-getters. However, the ostensive signals enhanced subsequent attention to both target and distractor objects (but not to the actor’s face) more strongly than the control attention-getters—especially in the chimpanzees who had a close relationship with human caregivers. We interpret this as showing that chimpanzees have a simple form of communicative expectations on the basis of ostensive signals, but unlike human infants and dogs, they do not subsequently use the experimenter’s gaze to infer the intended referent. These results may reflect a limitation of non-domesticated species for interpreting humans’ ostensive signals in inter-species communication.     

Emotional cues do not increase the likelihood of tip-of-the-tongue states

In a recent article, Schwartz (Psychonomic Bulletin & Review 17:82?C87, 2010) reported the effects of emotion on tip-of-the-tongue states (TOTs). He found increased TOTs for emotion-inducing questions, as well as a carryover effect in which high TOT rates were observed following emotion-inducing questions. In the present study, we sought to replicate these findings while controlling for word frequency, but we found an increased TOT rate neither for emotion-inducing questions nor following emotion-inducing questions. We report three attempts to replicate Schwartz??s (Psychonomic Bulletin & Review 17:82?C87, 2010) effect that focused on systematic differences in word frequency between stimulus sets in the original study; none of the key findings reported by Schwartz (Psychonomic Bulletin & Review 17:82?C87, 2010) were found in any of the experiments. These results fail to support prior claims concerning the effects of emotion on TOTs Schwartz (Psychonomic Bulletin & Review 17:82?C87, 2010). The discussion focuses on the importance of controlling for systematic differences in word characteristics between groups of items.     

Depth cues do not underlie attentional modulations of the Stroop effect

The well-known Stroop effect is usually attributed to the automaticity of word reading. Recently, Wühr and Waszak (2003) had participants name the color of one of two rectangles and found that words in the relevant object produced larger Stroop effects than did words in the irrelevant object or in the background. They attributed this difference to an object-based mechanism of attentional selection that amplifies processing of all the features of an attended object. However, in the displays used by Wühr and Waszak, occlusion suggested the presence of different depth planes. Hence, the increased Stroop effect could have resulted from perceiving the words to be in the same depth plane as the relevant object and not from perceiving the words to be parts of the relevant object. Two experiments tested between these accounts by using displays without monocular depth cues. The results of both experiments replicate those of Wühr and Waszak, supporting their object-based account.     

Linguistic cues enhance the learning of perceptual cues

When language is correlated with regularities in the world, does it enhance the learning of these regularities? This question lies at the core of both notions of linguistic bootstrapping in children and the Whorfian hypothesis. Support for an affirmative answer is provided in an artificial-noun-learning task in which 2-year-old children were taught to distinguish categories of solid and nonsolid things with and without supporting correlated linguistic cues.     

Most people do not ignore salient invalid cues in memory-based decisions

Former experimental studies have shown that decisions from memory tend to rely only on a few cues, following simple noncompensatory heuristics like "take the best." However, it has also repeatedly been demonstrated that a pictorial, as opposed to a verbal, representation of cue information fosters the inclusion of more cues in compensatory strategies, suggesting a facilitated retrieval of cue patterns. These studies did not properly control for visual salience of cues, however. In the experiment reported here, the cue salience hierarchy established in a pilot study was either congruent or incongruent with the validity order of the cues. Only the latter condition increased compensatory decision making, suggesting that the apparent representational format effect is, rather, a salience effect: Participants automatically retrieve and incorporate salient cues irrespective of their validity. Results are discussed with respect to reaction time data.     

Auditory emotional cues enhance visual perception

Recent studies show that emotional stimuli impair performance to subsequently presented neutral stimuli. Here we show a cross-modal perceptual enhancement caused by emotional cues. Auditory cue words were followed by a visually presented neutral target word. Two-alternative forced-choice identification of the visual target was improved by emotional cues as compared to neutral cues. When the cue was presented visually we replicated the emotion-induced impairment found in other studies. Our results suggest emotional stimuli have a twofold effect on perception. They impair perception by reflexively attracting attention at the expense of competing stimuli. However, emotional stimuli also induce a nonspecific perceptual enhancement that carries over onto other stimuli when competition is reduced, for example, by presenting stimuli in different modalities.     

Expert knowledge as mnemonic cues

It is proposed that expert knowledge can operate as a cognitive cueing structure for the acquisition and retention of new information in memory. Two experiments are reported which demonstrate that expert knowledge about football and clothing can act as mnemonic cues for the recall of information newly associated with that knowledge. In Experiment 1 expert terms from the domains of football and clothing and those neutral nouns paired with them were both better recalled by experts than by non-experts. In Experiment 2 passages containing information contrary to factual knowledge about football and clothing were recalled better by experts than by non-experts, in spite of the fact that information in the passages contradicted what the experts already knew. The results of the two experiments were interpreted as showing that expert knowledge provides mental cues that have desirable mnemonic properties such as constructibility, associability, discriminability and invertibility. Also, the interpretation of expert knowledge as a cognitive cueing structure is compared to Ausubel's ideas regarding advance organizers.     

Implementation intentions do not enhance all types of goals: The moderating role of goal difficulty

Three studies tested whether Gollwitzer and Brandst?tter’s (1997) failure to find an implementation effect for easy goals was due to a ceiling effect, to the moderating effect of previously formed habits, or to a moderating effect of earlier implementation intentions. The studies strongly indicated that easy goals did benefit from forming implementation intentions (i.e., specifying where or when one would perform the action). This suggests that Gollwitzer and Brandst?tter’s failure to find significant implementation effects for easy goals was due to a ceiling effect and not to other moderating effects. However, in the three experiments, we found no positive effect of implementation intentions for the enactment of goal-related behavior corresponding to a certain type of difficult goal. More specifically, when the focus was on the outcome of goal-directed action rather than on the goal-directed actions themselves, implementation intentions specifying when or in what conditions the relevant actions were to be performed did not enhance enactment. When the focus was on the goal-directed actions, we replicated the positive effect of forming implementation intentions. We argue that specifying when or where a goal-directed action should be enacted does not enhance enactment when the actor is not aware of the actions that are required to reach the goal. Possibly, implementation intentions specifying what one should do (rather than where or when) might be more helpful to enhance enactment rates of this type of goal.     

Implementation intentions do not enhance all types of goals: The moderating role of goal difficulty

Three studies tested whether Gollwitzer and Brandstätter’s (1997) failure to find an implementation effect for easy goals was due to a ceiling effect, to the moderating effect of previously formed habits, or to a moderating effect of earlier implementation intentions. The studies strongly indicated that easy goals did benefit from forming implementation intentions (i.e., specifying where or when one would perform the action). This suggests that Gollwitzer and Brandstätter’s failure to find significant implementation effects for easy goals was due to a ceiling effect and not to other moderating effects. However, in the three experiments, we found no positive effect of implementation intentions for the enactment of goal-related behavior corresponding to a certain type of difficult goal. More specifically, when the focus was on the outcome of goal-directed action rather than on the goal-directed actions themselves, implementation intentions specifying when or in what conditions the relevant actions were to be performed did not enhance enactment. When the focus was on the goal-directed actions, we replicated the positive effect of forming implementation intentions. We argue that specifying when or where a goal-directed action should be enacted does not enhance enactment when the actor is not aware of the actions that are required to reach the goal. Possibly, implementation intentions specifying what one should do (rather than where or when) might be more helpful to enhance enactment rates of this type of goal.     

Effect of contextual knowledge on spatial layout extrapolation

Boundary extension (BE) refers to the tendency to remember a previously perceived scene with a greater spatial expanse. This phenomenon is described as resulting from different sources of information: external (i.e., visual) and internally driven (i.e., amodal, conceptual, and contextual) information. Although the literature has emphasized the role of top-down expectations to account for layout extrapolation, their effect has rarely been tested experimentally. In this research, we attempted to determine how visual context affects BE, as a function of scene exposure duration (long, short). To induce knowledge about visual context, the memorization phase of the camera distance paradigm was preceded by a preexposure phase, during which each of the to-be-memorized scenes was presented in a larger spatial framework. In an initial experiment, we examined the effect of contextual knowledge with presentation duration, allowing for in-depth processing of visual information during encoding (i.e., 15 s). The results indicated that participants exposed to the preexposure showed decreased BE, and displayed no directional memory error in some conditions. Because the effect of context is known to occur at an early stage of scene perception, in a second experiment we sought to determine whether the effect of a preview occurs during the first fixation on a visual scene. The results indicated that BE seems not to be modulated by this factor at very brief presentation durations. These results are discussed in light of current visual scene representation theories.     

Humans do not switch between path knowledge and landmarks when learning a new environment

Using a metric shortcut paradigm, we have found that like honeybees (Dyer in Animal Behaviour 41:239–246, 1991), humans do not seem to build a metric “cognitive map” from path integration. Instead, observers take novel shortcuts based on visual landmarks whenever they are available and reliable (Foo, Warren, Duchon, & Tarr in Journal of Experimental Psychology-Learning Memory and Cognition 31(2):195–215, 2005). In the present experiment we examine whether humans, like ants (Wolf & Wehner in Journal of Experimental Biology 203:857–868, 2000), first use survey-type path knowledge, built up from path integration, and then subsequently shift to reliance on landmarks. In our study participants walked in an immersive virtual environment while head position and orientation were recorded. During training, participants learned two legs of a triangle with feedback: paths from Home to Red and Home to Blue. A configuration of colored posts surrounded the Red location. To test reliance on landmarks, these posts were covertly translated, rotated, or left unchanged during six probe trials. These probe trials were interspersed during the training procedure to measure changes over learning. Dependence on visual landmarks was immediate and sustained during training, and no significant learning effects were observed other than a decrease in hesitation time. Our results suggest that while humans have at least two distinct navigational strategies available to them, unlike ants, a computationally-simpler landmark strategy dominates during novel shortcut navigation.     

Exogenous temporal cues enhance recognition memory in an object-based manner

Exogenous attention enhances the perception of attended items in both a space-based and an object-based manner. Exogenous attention also improves recognition memory for attended items in the space-based mode. However, it has not been examined whether object-based exogenous attention enhances recognition memory. To address this issue, we examined whether a sudden visual change in a task-irrelevant stimulus (an exogenous cue) would affect participants' recognition memory for items that were serially presented around a cued time. The results showed that recognition accuracy for an item was strongly enhanced when the visual cue occurred at the same location and time as the item (Experiments 1 and 2). The memory enhancement effect occurred when the exogenous visual cue and an item belonged to the same object (Experiments 3 and 4) and even when the cue was counterpredictive of the timing of an item to be asked about (Experiment 5). The present study suggests that an exogenous temporal cue automatically enhances the recognition accuracy for an item that is presented at close temporal proximity to the cue and that recognition memory enhancement occurs in an object-based manner.     

Static depth cues do affect the perceived direction of motion

Models of motion perception usually assume that the visual system references spatial displacements to retinal coordinates, and not to three-dimensional coordinates recovered by a parallel process. The present studies investigated whether moving elements viewed in the context of a static random-dot stereogram could lead to the appearance of motion in depth. Observers judged the velocity of a monocular element translating horizontally in the stereo context as 'same as' or 'different to' that of a standard. Based on velocity constancy, if there was apparent motion in depth, the relative velocity judgments would yield a predictable pattern of errors. The first experiment compared two stereo contexts: a sloped surface versus a fronto-parallel plane at zero disparity. The results indicated an overall increase in the perceived velocity of the element moving in the sloped surface context. A similar pattern of results was found when surfaces differing in incline were compared. Experiment 2 explored the case of fronto-parallel planes at crossed and uncrossed disparities. Here depth differences did not systematically affect observers' judgments. It was concluded that in some cases motion analysis can be affected by three-dimensional disparity information and not by angular displacement alone.     

The role of visual experience in knowledge of spatial layout

Adventitiously blinded, congenitally blind, and sighted adults made relative distance judgments in a familiar environment under three sets of instructions—neutral with respect to the metric of comparison, euclidean (straight-line distance between landmarks), and functional (walking distance between landmarks). Analysis of error scores and multidimensional scaling procedures indicated that, although there were no significant differences among groups under functional instructions, all three groups differed from one another under euclidean instructions. Specifically, the sighted group performed best and the congenitally blind group worst, with the adventitiously blind group in between. The results are discussed in the context of the role of visual experience in spatial representation and the application of these methods for evaluating orientation and mobility training for the blind.     

Emotional cues enhance the attentional effects on spatial and temporal resolution

In the present study, we demonstrated that the emotional significance of a spatial cue enhances the effect of covert attention on spatial and temporal resolution (i.e., our ability to discriminate small spatial details and fast temporal flicker). Our results indicated that fearful face cues, as compared with neutral face cues, enhanced the attentional benefits in spatial resolution but also enhanced the attentional deficits in temporal resolution. Furthermore, we observed that the overall magnitudes of individuals’ attentional effects correlated strongly with the magnitude of the emotion × attention interaction effect. Combined, these findings provide strong support for the idea that emotion enhances the strength of a cue’s attentional response.     

Body-based senses enhance knowledge of directions in large-scale environments

Previous research has shown that inertial cues resulting from passive transport through a large environment do not necessarily facilitate acquiring knowledge about its layout. Here we examine whether the additional body-based cues that result from active movement facilitate the acquisition of spatial knowledge. Three groups of participants learned locations along an 840-m route. One group walked the route during learning, allowing access to body-based cues (i.e., vestibular, proprioceptive, and efferent information). Another group learned by sitting in the laboratory, watching videos made from the first group. A third group watched a specially made video that minimized potentially confusing head-on-trunk rotations of the viewpoint. All groups were tested on their knowledge of directions in the environment as well as on its configural properties. Having access to body-based information reduced pointing error by a small but significant amount. Regardless of the sensory information available during learning, participants exhibited strikingly common biases.     

Counting bones: environmental cues that decrease food intake

At an all-you-can eat buffet in a sports bar, it was tested whether people would eat less if they knew how much they had already eaten. 50 graduate students (34 women; M age = 24.1 yr.) were seated at 21 tables randomly assigned to be bussed (leftover wings removed) or unbussed (wings left on table). The 31 students at the bussed tables ate more than those at the unbussed tables (7 wings vs. 5.5 wings), with the effect being stronger for men than women. In distracting eating environments, environmental cues may provide an effective means of reducing consumption. Implications for controlling alcohol intake were also noted.