Racial Stereotypes From the Days of American Slavery: A Continuing Legacy1

During the days of American slavery, many whites held stereotypes of blacks as inferior, unevolved, and apelike. The present study was designed to see whether such stereotypes persist in contemporary American society. A random-digit telephone survey was conducted of 1,490 Connecticut residents, resulting in completed interviews with 686 respondents. Our findings suggest that negative stereotypes concerning the physical and mental endowments of blacks are more common than previously estimated. Most respondents endorsed at least one stereotypical difference in inborn ability (e.g., whites have greater abstract thinking abiliry than blacks), and nearly half endorsed at least one stereotypical difference in anatomy (e.g., blacks have thicker skulls than whites). Logistic regression analyses indicated that the best predictor of stereotyping was education level. Respondents without a high school degree were roughly twice as likely to endorse racial stereotypes as were respondents with a graduate degree. The consequences of racial stereotyping are discussed.     

Race, social class and ability patterns on the WISC-R

The national standardization sample of whites and blacks on the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children—Revised (WISC-R) was the basis for a detailed analysis of the psychometric nature of racial and social class differences on the original 13 subscales of the WISC-R. The profiles of subtest scores of whites and blacks were compared directly and also after the racial groups were statistically equated on Full Scale IQ (FSIQ). Under the latter condition, the races differ only very slightly, although significantly, on some of the subtests, in ways generally contrary to popular expectations. The profile of white-black differences on the WISC-R subtests is markedly different, and negatively correlated with, the profiles of social class differences within each racial group, indicating that the pattern of racial differences is not explainable in terms of the difference in the average socio-economic status (SES) of blacks and whites. A Schmid-Leiman orthogonalized hierarchical factor analysis yields virtually identical factor structures and highly congruent factor loadings on the subtests for whites and blacks. Analysis of factor scores shows that by far the largest proportion of the variance between races is attributable to the general factor (g) common to all the subtests, whereas the group factors (verbal, performance and memory) contribute only minutely to the interracial variance. Hence the white-black differences on the diverse subtests of the WISC-R, and in the Full Scale IQ, are interpreted primarily as a difference in Spearman's g, rather than as differences in the more specific factors peculiar to particular content, knowledge, acquired skills or type of test. However, some slight but significant differences in patterns of ability also occur that are independent of g.     

College Students' Racial Attitudes

Factor analyses of responses from white ( N = 260) and black ( N = 81) college students in two neighboring universities were utilized to develop contemporary measures of racial attitudes and of the degree of interracial contact experienced by blacks and by whites. Two sets of 112 attitudinal statements were utilized for the initial factor analyses, one set for black respondents and one for whites. About 60% of the items in the two sets were identical or the same except that the racial designations were reversed. Two 20-item racial attitude scales were derived from the factor analyses, one for blacks and one for whites. For students of each race, scores on the attitude measure showed a weak but significant relationship with a 16-item self-report scale of amount of interracial contact experienced, past and present. The relationship of these scales to earlier racial attitude measures (symbolic racism, modern racism, the MRAI, value rankings) were assessed. Second-order factor analyses suggested that the black students' racial attitudes were more heterogeneous than were the white students' racial attitudes. In general, black respondents tended to show more support than whites for programs designed to increase opportunities for, and recognition of, blacks. Black students also tended to endorse a greater degree of social distance between the races than white students did. The pattern of relationships between racial attitudes and sociopolitical issues differed for whites and blacks.     

Race differences in the receipt of mental health services among young adults

This study investigates race and ethnic differences in the receipt of mental health services among young adults. Research has indicated that racial minorities receive treatment at a much lower rate than those with middle and upper incomes and whites. We use data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, a nationally representative study of young adults, first interviewed when in Grades 7 through 12. We find significant differences across race-ethnicity. Consistent with prior research, blacks are less likely to have received mental health services. Findings for gender and education differed from previous studies. The relationship of gender on services receipt is mediated by depression. The relationship of race-ethnicity on services receipt is moderated by levels of education and prior services use. Education is associated with greater services use for Whites, but less services use for blacks. Also, blacks who used services in the past are significantly less likely to be current users. The implications of these results are discussed.     

Race,Religion, and Anti‐Poverty Policy Attitudes

Using the 2008 National Politics Study, the present study indicates that while African Americans are more likely than whites to hear sermons about poverty and other political issues, hearing such sermons more consistently associates with support for anti‐poverty government programs among non‐Hispanic whites than among both African Americans and Hispanics. The racially/ethnically marginalized status of blacks and Hispanics may contribute to these groups being more receptive than whites to religious messages emphasizing social inequality. The contrasting racial experiences of dominance and marginalization may also help explain why hearing politicized sermons is more meaningful to the progressive social welfare attitudes of whites than to African Americans and Hispanics. This expectation is rooted in the heightened variability of perspectives among whites and their religious organizations regarding the government's role in aiding the economically disadvantaged. Conversely, the vast majority of blacks and Hispanics support the government helping individuals who fallen upon hard times. The greater variability in opinion among whites may also allow for greater differences in opinion to emerge between whites who attend relative to those outside of religious congregations led by clergy emphasizing spiritual and political solidarity with the poor than is the case for African Americans and Hispanics.     

An exploratory study of the draw-a-person as a measure of racial identity.

The race of the figure drawn on the Draw-A-Person Test is proposed as a measure of acceptance of racial identity. Reliability and validity of this measure were explored in a two-part study. Part 1 confirmed the hypothesis that the race of the figure drawn is related to the race of the child producing the drawing. Comparison of the figures drawn by black (n = 157) and white (n = 167) children confirmed three other hypotheses based on the voluminous literature suggesting that black children are less accepting of their racial group membership than whites. These hypotheses were: (a) whites should be more likely to draw figures that are clearly white than blacks are to draw figures that are clearly black, (b) whites should be less likely to draw blacks than blacks are to draw whites, and (c) blacks should be more likely to avoid giving clear indication of the race of the figures they draw than are whites. Inter-rater reliability for the race of the figure drawn was .79. Five weeks after the initial drawing, a subsample of 28 black children drew a second figure and performed a picture choice task designed to assess acceptance of racial identity. The race of the figure drawn showed a test-retest reliability of .53 and correlated significantly with the other measure of racial identity (r27 = .39).     

Race differences and the Spearman hypothesis

Certain published data have been reviewed and new data presented relevant to the so-called Spearman hypothesis concerning the racial differences on cognitive tests of black and white Americans. In the published data, the correlation between the profiles of low socio-economic and high socio-economic status (SES) whites became ?.90 when sex, area of the country, and grade/age were controlled. This nearly mirror-image relationship suggests that the residual across-the-board difference between the two groups is primarily on the general factor in intelligence. In contrast, the same correlation between blacks and the low SES whites was only ?.19. This indicated not only independence of the profiles but the presence of multiple causes of differences in addition to a possible contribution of the general factor. These published interpretations have now been confirmed by obtaining correlations between general factor loadings and the group differences for most of the same tests. For the SES dochotomy in whites this correlation is .86. For blacks and the low SES whites it is .17. When the two distributions of differences are correlated, a value of .42 is obtained. The Spearman hypothesis appears to apply primarily to differences in socio-economic status rather than race. Furthermore, one cannot assume a large genetic component for each set of differences. Nor can one argue that the possibility of a large environmental component for each set indicates common environmental causes.     

Whites' ethnocentrism and their attributions for the behavior of blacks: A motivational bias1

Previous research has shown that people make more derogatory attributions for the behavior of outgroup members than for the behavior of ingroup members. However, these results may be due merely to a cultural stereotype of the outgroup rather than to ethnocentrism (which would entail dislike for members of the outgroup). To examine the effect of ethnocentrism on attributions, irrespective of the cultural stereotype, and to examine whether people who differ in ethnocentrism also differ in their attributions for whites and blacks, high and low ethnocentric whites made attributions for the success and failure of black and white actors on a task which required an ability that was outside the scope of the cultural stereotype of blacks, i.e., ESP ability. Examination of these attributions revealed that the more ethnocentric the subjects were, the more they tended to give whites greater credit for success than blacks, and the more they tended to give whites less blame for failure than blacks. These results were discussed in terms of their implications for the persistence of prejudice and for the effects of motivations on attributions for the behavior of others.     

Sterba on Affirmative Action,or, it Never was the bus,it was Us!

Professor Sterba argues for two interesting and provocative positions regarding affirmative action. First, affirmative action programs are still needed to ensure diversity in educational institutions of higher learning. Secondly, the proponents and opponents of affirmative action are not as far apart as they seem to think. To this end, he proposes a position that would give weight to race as a category for affirmative action that can withstand the challenges of affirmative action opponents while giving the needed support for affirmative action proponents. It is his contention that both sides can support arguments for diversity affirmative action. This paper raises concerns about the ability of arguments for racial diversity to resolve or bring together opponents and proponents of affirmative action. It is argued that the negative social climate, regarding the social and intellectual merits of black Americans, works against the acceptance of affirmative action programs. In sum, it is argued that Professor Sterba’s position continues to put the social onus of changing racial attitudes on blacks with little or no effort on the part of whites other than allowing blacks admittance to formerly segregated educational institutions to interact with white students.     

The effect of subject's race and other's race on judgments of causality for success and failure

This study examined the proposition that blacks and whites make dispositional attributions for an in-group's positive behaviors and an out-group's negative behaviors. The study also examined whether this positive in-group bias was caused by dislike of the out-group or belief in a stereotype. Thus, blacks and whites made attributions to black and white others who succeeded or failed on tasks for which there was either no stereotype or a more negative stereotype of whites than of blacks. An out-group other's failure on both tasks was attributed to lack of ability more than was an in-group other's failure. This finding suggests that the in-group bias is caused by dislike of the out-group. Furthermore, in success conditions subjects' attributions to the in-group or out-group other did not differ. It was suggested that these attributions may result from a combination of an in-group bias and a polarized appraisal.     

Racial and ethnic differences in motivation for educational achievement in the United States

Data from the National Educational Longitudinal Study [National Educational Longitudinal Study, (1994). National Educational Longitudinal Study: second follow-up (Report No.94-374). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education] show that on standardised scores in mathematics, reading and science, the highest mean scores are obtained by Asians and whites and lower scores are obtained by Hispanics and blacks. The same differences are present for the number of hours per week devoted to homework. It is suggested that motivational differences expressed in the amount of homework undertaken contribute to the group differences in educational achievement. Statistically significant correlations between the amount of homework and educational achievement support this hypothesis. There are also group differences in intelligence parallel to those in educational achievement, suggesting both intelligence and motivation are involved in racial and ethnic differences in educational achievement.     

Racial Differences in Work Attitudes: What You See Depends on What You Study

Differences in a constellation of work attitudes were studied with respect to black and white employees using a sample of healthcare workers. Preliminary analyses using MANOVA indicated that blacks had more positive work attitudes than did whites. However, systematic analyses of set of covariates including personal, lifestyle, and organizational variables eliminated all racial differences in work attitudes. Implications of these findings and directions for future research were discussed.     

Sex,race, and experiences of aggression

Most previous research on sex differences in experienced aggression has confounded the sex of the aggressor and of the target by considering married or dating couples. In the present study, black and white male and female college students were asked about specific acts of aggression which they had received from or directed toward a male or female. As predicted, males were likely to have both received and exhibited more forms of aggressive behavior, although females were somewhat more likely to have been honked at, to have been forced by a male to have sex, and to have slapped someone. Few racial differences were found, but it appeared that blacks might have been relatively more likely to exhibit physical aggression and whites to exhibit nonphysical aggression. Some differences were found in specific behaviors directed toward and received from males and females, but in general subjects said that they received more aggressive behaviors than they directed toward others. © 1992 Wiley-Liss, Inc.     

A validation study of the Draw-A-Person as a measure of racial identity acceptance

The present study is a replication of Schofield's findings (1978) in the use of the Draw-A-Person as a measure of racial identity acceptance. Unlike Schofield's study, the present investigation involved an adolescent sample of blacks and whites, and race of figure drawn was determined by judges' consensus rather than an objective scoring system. The findings generally supported those of Schofield and the racial identity and preference literature as a whole in revealing blacks to be less accepting of their racial identity than whites.     

Black-white college student attitudes and expectations in paying for dates

This study examined a black-white sample (N= 173) of university students to ascertain if there is a protocol related to paying for dates. The sample was comprised of 97 blacks and 76 whites. Most of the blacks were from a historically black university and most of the whites were from a predominantly white university, both located in the southeast. Blacks had a slightly lower mean family income when compared with whites. Both racial and gender role related attitudes and expectations related to paying for dates were also explored. African Americans have generally been noted to enact more flexible or nontraditional gender role attitudes and behaviors in some areas. This study sought to ascertain if this pattern followed in the economic dimension of dating. Findings showed race differences on several variables related to paying for dates. Blacks were found to be less flexible or more traditional than whites on several aspects of dating related attitudes and expectations. Whites were more likely to endorse more flexible role patterns and seemed less concerned with a dating protocol. Other important background variables related to more flexible gender role attitudes and expectations were classification, age, and total income of respondents' family of origin respectively.     

Trust differences between supervisors and subordinates: Examining the role of race and gender

This study examined trust differences between supervisor and subordinate dyads that differ in race or gender as well as in dyads that were similar. The results of 301 (the sample consisted of 241 whites and 41 blacks, 216 were women and 86 were men) respondents indicated gender and race do affect trust. More specifically, the highest level of trust was found between female subordinates reporting to male supervisors. It was also found that whites reporting to whites perceived significantly less trust than blacks reporting to blacks, but significantly greater trust than whites reporting to blacks. The results also indicated that whites reporting to blacks and blacks reporting to whites perceive significantly less trust than blacks reporting to blacks. A discussion of these results is also included.     

Emotional expressiveness during worship services and life satisfaction: assessing the influence of race and religious affiliation

The purpose of this study is to see if an emotional expressive worship style is associated with life satisfaction. Our study model contains the following core relationships: (1) blacks are more likely than whites to worship in conservative Protestant congregations; (2) members of conservative congregations and blacks will attend church services more often; (3) blacks and conservative Protestants are more likely than either whites or members of other congregations to openly express their emotions during worship services; (4) individuals who express their emotions during church services will be more likely say they worship in a highly cohesive congregation; (5) people who worship in highly cohesive congregations will generalise this sense of connectedness to people outside their place of worship; and (6) those who feel closely connected with all people will experience a greater sense of life satisfaction. Finding from a nationwide survey provide support for each of these relationships.     

Black-White Semantic Differences and interracial Communication1

In Phase I, black and white adolescent males made semantic differential ratings of 14 concepts representing a wide range of values. MOTHER, FATHER, GIRLS TV, GOD. POLICE. and NEXT YEAR yielded profiles significantly different for the 2 racial groups. In Phase II, 28 blacks and 28 whites each attempted to decode the profiles of 1 black and 1 white other. For combined racial groups, accuracy was greater when the other was semantically similar. Disregarding semantic similarity, accuracy was greater when the other was of the same race. Semantic similarity made little difference, however, when both encoder and decoder were black. Whites excelled in decoding the profiles of other whites where concepts were commonly encoded by both racial groups, while blacks were more accurate intraracially where concepts were differentially encoded by the 2 racial groups. Results were related to the assumption of a standard set of meanings for whites and a standard-nonstandard dual system for blacks.     

Hoping for a Godly (White) Family: How Desire for Religious Heritage Affects Whites’ Attitudes Toward Interracial Marriage

This study examines how a desire to pass on religious heritage shapes whites’ attitudes toward interracial marriage for their children. Utilizing national survey data (Baylor Religion Survey 2007), I estimate ordered logit regression models to examine the extent to which whites’ desire to have their children and children's spouses share their religion affects attitudes toward their hypothetical daughters marrying blacks, Latinos, or Asians, net of other factors. Analyses reveal that whites who consider it more important that their children and children's spouses share their religion are less comfortable with their daughters marrying blacks, Latinos, or Asians. These effects are robust to the inclusion of measures for religiosity, political ideology, intimate interracial experiences, and other sociodemographic correlates. These findings suggest that, for whites, religious heritage has a clear ethno‐racial component. The greater their desire for descendants to share the same religious views, the more whites would prefer that these descendants themselves be white, indicating that, for many white Americans, religious heritage is equated with whiteness. I conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for research on religion and interracial families.     

Fertility, menstrual characteristics, and contraceptive practices among white, black, and Southeast Asian refugee adolescents

This study compares fertility and menstrual characteristics and contraceptive practices of white, black, and Southeast Asian refugee adolescents participating in the Minneapolis Health Department's Maternal and Infant Care Program between 1980 and 1982. Mean ages were similar among all racial groups; however, half the Hmong adolescents had a live birth as compared to less than 25% of the other racial groups. More than 75% of the Hmong and other Southeast Asian adolescents were married as compared to 11% of the whites and 8% of the blacks. Menarche was significantly later (2 years) for Hmong and other Southeast Asians, and the interval between menarche and first pregnancy was significantly shorter for the Hmong. While more than half of the whites and blacks previously used contraception, 14% of the Hmong and 29% of the other Southeast Asians had used contraception. Oral contraceptives were the most frequently used method for whites, blacks, and Southeast Asians; the Hmong were equally likely to choose oral contraceptives or barrier methods. The Hmong were less likely to choose contraception postpartum than were the other groups.