弱智儿童视觉图形辨认的实验研究

本研究探讨了不同智商水平的弱智儿童的视觉图形辨认能力的差异,并与同龄正常儿童作了比较。结果表明,智商在31-51,平均智商为41.6,均龄为11.7岁的弱智儿童,在图形以0.05秒速度的呈现条件下,平均辨认正确率为21.4%;在以0.01秒速度呈现的条件下,平均正确率为20.7%。智商在55-75,平均智商为62.0,均龄为10.2岁的弱智儿童,图形以0.05秒速度呈现时,平均辨认正确率为48.5%;在以0.01秒速度呈现时,平均正确率为45.0%。与同均龄的正常儿童比较,无论在哪一种呈现速度条件下,对图形辨认正确率均明显低于正常儿童。     

明生法师荣膺广州光孝寺方丈

2月18日,岭南千年古刹广州光孝寺彩旗飘扬,梵音嘹亮,明生法师晋院升座庆典在这里隆重举行。明生法师在仪仗队和两序大众的簇拥下来到山门前．光孝寺退居方丈、中国佛教协会咨议委员会主席本焕长老为其挂珠,中国佛教协会会长一诚长老为其授如意。香港佛教联合会会长觉光长老为其授拂尘,台湾中国佛教会理事长净良长老为其授钵,中国佛教协会咨议委员会副主席惟贤长老为其授锡杖。在大雄宝殿．     

语义理论研究的新进展:从双索引赋值到二维语义学

一双索引赋值的引入语义理论主要研究语言表达式的意义或内容。在可能世界语义学中,语句的真值是在单个的可能世界中考虑的。以可能世界语义为框架,我们一般讲语句p在可能世界w中为真或者为假,并可借此讨     

社会工作证据为本的实践:演进脉络与发展趋向

证据为本的实践是西方社会工作实务领域发展的重点。目前,证据为本的实践几近覆盖了西方社会工作实务发展的各个层面,在微观、中观、宏观等三个层次体现出证据实例。本文在梳理西方证据为本的实践发展脉络的基础上,比较国内社会工作证据为本的实践,发现我国证据为本的实践在科学依据、高级别证据、标准化量表、人群与领域拓展等方面有提高空间。同时,本文提出发展社会工作证据为本的实践需要关注科学性、专业性和伦理性。     

儿童学校适应的分类及判定

以6579名小学三、五年级学生为被试,采用聚类分析和判别分析方法,结果表明:(1)根据儿童学校适应的指标将儿童的学校适应状况分为良好型、闲适型、紧张型、高危型四种类型.(2)良好型的儿童,在学业自我评估、学业动机和心理健康水平三个水平上的得分为正向,在问题行为上的得分为负;高危型儿童的结果与适应良好型的儿童完全相反;而在闲适型的儿童中,学业动机为负、心理健康水平为正;在紧张型的儿童中,学业动机为正向、而心理健康水平是负向的.(3)建立儿童学校适应的判别函数,为儿童在教育和心理问题进行指导提供了初步诊断依据,同时也对有关学校适应的研究提供新的视角.     

曲阜共识:儒学社团的时代担当

<正>孔子所创立的儒学是中国传统文化的重要组成部分,也是人类思想宝库中的重要内容,在历史上发生过很大作用。它向人类提供了为学、为政、为人、为道的许多基本理念,不但在中国、而且在东亚、在全世界都引起了共鸣。在孔子诞辰2565周年前夕,来自全国各地的著名儒学社团和专家学者齐聚儒家圣地曲阜,举行第二届全国儒学社团联席会议,隆重纪念儒学创立者孔子,认真学习与领会习近平总书记2013     

青少年儿童四肢协调反应特征发展特点的研究

本文采用实验测试和横断对比分析的方法,对我国7—22岁的563名大、中、小学生和441名体操运动员的四肢协调反应特征发展特点进行了研究。结果表明:四肢协调反应的速度,在7—15岁期间有明显的发展提高,其中7—11岁为发展加速期,11—15岁为缓慢发展期;15—18岁为发展倒退期;18—19岁为恢复期;19—22岁为稳定期。这种反应的准确性在7—11岁有明显的发展提高;11—16岁为倒退期;16—22岁为恢复期。在体操运动的作用下,这种反应的速度和准确性发展,分别在9—12岁和10—17岁间明显加快;在青春期,反应的速度和准确性发展的波动性明显减少。     

释“童牛之牿”

“童牛之牿”中的“童牛”为小牛,“牿”为拴小牛时系在牛脸边带有小木板的拴牛之具,引申为拴.“童牛之牿”意思为把小牛拴起来,这表明小牛在逐渐长大.这一解释更符合大畜卦的卦义,也可以在河南汤阴及其周围地区得到实物验证.     

康德哲学与传统人文科学的“出路”

康德哲学的使命不仅在于为知识奠定基础,而且更在于确立人的自由:他为知识奠基的工作,同时也是划定知识界限的工作,从而为人的自在-自由的存在留下了位置.如果说康德在《纯粹理性批判》里是通过为知识奠基而划定知识的界限来为自由辩护,那么,在《实践理性批判》里则通过回答一切法则如何可能来确立与论证自由的绝对性.自由的绝对性使得自由法则成为一切人文科学必须奠定其上的基础.     

为耶路撒冷求平安

新年伊始,在这万象更新的日子,让我们以主赐给我们那真挚的爱,去为我们的国家,为我们的同胞,为我们的教会,为我们心上的耶路撒冷献上我们诚挚的代祷。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.