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有一个小男孩,一次从同学家回来,伤心地哭了。他想,怎么别人家脚踩的地方都远远胜过自己睡觉的地方?回到家里,他向母亲哭诉了自己的感想。母亲听完孩子的哭诉后,平静地说:“孩子,我们不必羡慕别人家漂亮的地板,再漂亮的地板也是被人踩的,只要我们活着,不自卑地活着,有尊严地活着,任何漂亮的地板我们都可以把它踩在脚下。孩子记住,这世上只有一样东西叫人无法踩在脚下,那就是尊严。” 相似文献
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从古代到现代,纵观一切迷信活动,很多都与“灵魂不灭“这个漫长的与人类认识史相伴的题目有关。到了今天,尽管科学已发展到上天入地的幻想已变成现实的时代,这个主题仍然被它的信仰者奉为神明,高高悬挂在神龛之巅。追溯到古代,人们对灵魂的概念,是起源于对死去亲人的乞灵,他们在梦中见到已死的亲人,会认为死者仍然还以某种形式活着,并且把这种关于“不死“的实体或“灵魂“的观念渐渐地扩散到其它生命、甚至无生命的物体之上。后来人类学家把这种现 相似文献
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今年初始,似乎只在区区瞬间,SARS病毒便突如其来地侵入了人类的生命。现代汉语就诞生了一个使用率极高的新词——非典型肺炎。悄然无声的疫情蔓延开来,将死亡的病毒逼近人们的身体,把生命推到死亡的边沿来重新思考自己。 人活着好好的为什么要生病?本来,生老病死是一个人的人生过程,但如何对待活着或死去的问题,恐怕是每个人都最关心的。因此,当病毒 相似文献
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我们要引导主内同道注意福音对象的多向性,不单是老年人,不单是有病的人,也不单是女性(尽管对病人、老人、女性传福音相对比较容易)。保罗说:无论什么人,我都欠他们的债。福音对“无论什么人”都是需要的。为了构建“两性共荣”的教会,我们需要有意识地关心牧养我们的弟兄,并向我们身边的男士传福音! 相似文献
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人生道路并不平坦,而往往是坎坷和崎岖的。在这坎坷崎岖的道路上,怎样才能步履矫健,高歌猛进呢?因素虽多,对人生抱什么态度就是一种因素。应当看到,各个时代,各个阶级,甚至各个人所抱的态度是不同的。因而,他们的人生价值也会有差别。正象臧克家同志在一首诗中所说的那样:有的人死了,他还活着;有的人活着,他已经死了。原因是前一种人活着总是为别人活得更美好;后一种人活着却是使别人遭受灾难和耻辱。然而,这一人生哲理并没有被人们普遍重视。如今,被重视的倒是机遇问题。有些人认为,人的幸福、成才与否全靠机遇。他们把“关系户”、“关系网”看作是“黄金屋”,寻找机遇的捷径。这种蜘蛛网式的“关系户”,对社会风气、党风、人的成才都带来不良影响。这种情况,向我们提示了这样的问题:人生与机遇的关系如何,怎样对待机遇? 相似文献
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Arkowitz H 《The American psychologist》2005,60(7):731; author reply 734-731; author reply 735
Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners. 相似文献
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The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools. 相似文献
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形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度". 相似文献
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谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府… 相似文献
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从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意 相似文献
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Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed. 相似文献
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Andrew Norris 《Metaphilosophy》2004,35(3):249-272
Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination. 相似文献
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