One nation under God? Yusuf al-Qaradawi’s changing Fiqh of citizenship in the light of the Islamic legal tradition

In the wake of the Arab Revolutions of 2011, countries in the Middle East are grappling with how Islamists might be included within a regime of democratic political pluralism and how their aspirations for an “Islamic state” could affect the citizenship status of non-Muslims. While Islamic jurisprudence on this issue has traditionally classified non-Muslims in Islamic society as protected peoples or dhimma, endowed with what the authors term “minority citizenship”, this article will examine how the transnational intellectual Wasa?iyya or Centrist movement, of which Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi is the figurehead, have sought to develop a new fiqh of citizenship in which Muslims and non-Muslims have equal civil and political rights. This article will focus on Yusuf al-Qaradawi on the basis that his very recent shift in 2010 on the issue is yet to be studied in depth, as well as in view of the fact that the dilemma faced by reformist Islamic scholars—how to integrate modern concepts into a legal tradition while simultaneously arguing for that tradition’s continuing relevance and authority—is for him rendered particularly acute, given that this tradition is itself the very source of his own authority and relevance. It will therefore be argued that the legacy of the Islamic legal tradition structures his discourse in a very specific way, thereby having the potential to render it more persuasive to his audience, and worthy of a more detailed examination.     

Rethinking citizenship rights of non‐Muslims in an Islamic state: Rashid al‐Ghannūshi's contribution to the evolving debate

Of interest to Islamists of the twentieth century has been the question of minority rights in an Islamic state and of how non‐Muslim minorities should be treated: in particular, should they enjoy equal citizenship rights and responsibilities with Muslims? Traditional Islamic law did not accord equal rights to non‐Muslim protected minorities (ahl al‐dhimma), placing Muslims above them in several key areas. Notwithstanding the law, however, early Muslim rulers exercised some pragmatic discretion according to the imperatives of their day. With the Islamic revival of the twentieth century, the traditional view has been adopted by several Muslim thinkers and leaders, though the traditional view is at odds with the concept of the nation‐state. The nation‐state is built on a secular premise, with no single religious group favoured over another. Within this context, a number of Muslim thinkers have attempted to reinterpret the traditionally held view of ‘citizenship rights’. This article will focus on the contribution of one such thinker, the Tunisian Islamist Rashid al‐Ghannūshi, who espouses somewhat ‘liberal’ views on the issue and argues for rethinking on a number of related aspects. Commencing with some background to the problem, the article explores the issue of citizenship rights as espoused by Ghannūshi, and notes the key importance of the concept of justice as their basis, in his view. Specific rights examined are: freedom of belief, including for Muslims who wish to change their religion; the holding of public office by non‐Muslims; equal treatment for Muslims and non‐Muslims in terms of fiscal duties and benefits. Throughout his arguments, Ghannūshi emphasizes justice as central to the issue, and as the basis of interpreting and developing related rules and laws. Although Ghannūshi's views are not entirely new, he goes well beyond what has been acceptable in Islamic law, and his contribution should be considered important in the efforts at rethinking Islamic law in this area.     

Cosmopolitanism as Virtue

This paper explores cosmopolitanism, not as a position within political philosophy or international relations, but as a virtuous stance taken by individuals who see their responsibilities as extending globally. Taking as its cue some recent writing by Kwame Anthony Appiah, it argues for a number of virtues that are inherent in, and required by, such a stance. It is critical of what it sees as a limited scope in Appiah's conception and enriches it with Nigel Dower's concept of ‘global citizenship’. It then seeks to overcome a distinction that Appiah draws between a ‘thin’ moral conception of justice and a ‘thick’ ethical conception of our obligations to those with whom we have identity-forming relationships. It argues that a richer conception of the virtue of justice, as suggested by Raimond Gaita, can fully articulate the ideals of cosmopolitanism.     

Islam and politics in Indonesia: The political thought of Abdurrahman Wahid

Abdurrahman Wahid is one of the few prominent contemporary Islamic leaders in Indonesia who is often considered controversial. Some studies have been conducted of his idea of Islamic reform in general, and his political thought in particular, but they do not try to make a coherent link between Abdurrahman's Islamic theology and his political thought. In this article, I argue that Abdurrahman's concepts of ‘Islamic universalism’, ‘cosmopolitanism’ and ’pribumisasi’ are strongly attached to his political thought, i.e. his idea of Islam and state relationship, of Islam and Pancasila and of democracy. The arguments developed by Abdurrahman to support his ideas are not uncommon among other Islamic reformers, especially the idea of maslaha. However, his endeavor to put Islamic ideals in Indonesian context can be considered unique and innovative.     

Citizenship Rights of Non-Muslims in the Islamic State of H # kimiyya Espoused by Sayyid Qutb

In the late twentieth century, the ultimate goal of the Egyptian thinker and activist Sayyid Qutb was to establish an Islamic order; that is, an Islamic state supervised and guided by h # kimiyya . For him, h # kimiyya, practically, is the Shar I 'a (Islamic Code). It comprises the clear-cut commands and prohibitions conveyed in the Qur' # n and the traditions (Hadith) of the Prophet of Islam. With those commands, the h # kimiyya deals with the individuals and groups, links them to the society and defines the individual's rights within the limits of the community. In Qutb's view, the non-Muslim minority in the Islamic state is not outside of the jurisdiction of the ' h # kimiyya ', which regulates the relationship between the state and its citizens, Muslims and non-Muslims and individuals and groups. Thus the rights of non-Muslim minorities in the Islamic state of h # kimiyya, how they should be treated and the question of whether they should enjoy equal citizenship rights and responsibilities with Muslims have increasingly come to be one of the pressing and 'sensitive' issues in the debate. Contributing to the debate, this paper intends to investigate the issue of citizenship rights of non-Muslim minorities in the Islamic state of h # kimiyya espoused by the Egyptian Islamist Sayyid Qutb, the key figure of the Muslim Brotherhood, whose works were considered as the manual of the Islamic groups, al-Jam # ' # t al-Isl # miyya, in Egypt and abroad. In so doing, the paper will begin with some background to the issue, and then outline the essential points of Qutb's concept of justice as central to his view on citizenship rights and responsibilities. It follows that the right to freedom of belief for non-Muslims, and also for Muslims who want to change their religion, will be examined. Equality between Muslims and non-Muslims in matters related to finance, benefits and amenities with the focus on taxation will be outlined. The rights of non-Muslims to hold public office will also be investigated. It will be seen at the end that Qutb's concept of citizenship rights is centered on the concepts of justice, complete human equality and firm social solidarity in their broadest sense. His discussion stresses the notion of universality and humanism as one of the characteristics of the Islamic system. Qutb's views on the subject were grounded in the authoritative texts, namely the Qur' # n and the traditions of the Prophet, but in essence they were an attempt to assuage the concerns of the non-Muslim minorities themselves. In the light of the aim of Islamic activism for which Qutb was and perhaps continues to be the ideologue, Qutb's view on the status of non-Muslims in an Islamic state, specifically through the prism of h # kimiyya, lends this study special importance.     

Avicenna's Conception of the Efficient Cause

The concept of efficient causation originates with Aristotle, who states that the types of cause include ‘the primary source of the change or rest’. For Medieval Aristotelians, the scope of efficient causality includes creative acts. The Islamic philosopher Avicenna is an important contributor to this conceptual change. In his Metaphysics, Avicenna defines the efficient cause or agent as that which gives being to something distinct from itself. As previous studies of Avicenna's ‘metaphysical’ conception of the efficient cause attest, it takes God as a model agent. This essay considers whether Avicenna's ‘metaphysical’ conception of the efficient cause applies to natural agents. It ultimately argues that Avicenna offers a unified view of the efficient cause, which includes both divine and natural agents. On this view, an efficient cause gives being to another and is simultaneous with its effect. While Avicenna's defence of this view is an important chapter in the history of the concept of the efficient cause, it is also of interest in its own right. By appeal to a version of the principle of sufficient reason, it challenges a widespread view that causes are temporally prior to their effects.     

Class cleavages and ethnic conflict: Coptic Christian communities in modern Egyptian politics

Whereas the political claims of Egyptian Islamists have attracted much attention in Western media and scholarly circles, only rarely have such circles acknowledged the role played by ethno‐religious consciousness among Coptic Christians in Egyptian political life. This article analyzes the development of this consciousness through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, as well as the socio‐economic roots of ‘Coptist’ political action. Accorded particular attention is the emergence of an explicitly sectarian political discourse among groups of middle‐class Copts in the 1970s, and the related spread of ethnic consciousness through the Coptic community at large since that time.     

Towards an interreligious understanding of Hikma

In contemporary Islamic thought the dichotomy betweenrevelation andreason has emerged as a crucial issue, reinforced by cultural conflicts between East and West. Thus S. H. Nasr puts divinely inspired knowledge —sapientia orhikma — at the heart of Muslim culture, claiming God‐less rationality,scientia, to be characteristic of the Occident. This analogy is used as an established fact in some writings of apologetic nature. At the same time, the traditional concept of ‘wisdom’,hikma, is brought up to date in order to serve a new purpose in a world of increasingly specialized sciences. Whereas many Muslim writers recognize the need for an informed approach to ‘all branches of knowledge’, most of them insist on retaining a link between science and ethical values.Hikma is now launched as the authentic Islamic answer to ‘the confusion created by profane philosophies’. As the Islamic way of making science,hikma is seen as holistic and God‐centred in contrast to the Western type of science. Not all Muslim intellectuals, however, are satisfied with one single concept for the entirety of Islamic thought. Hasan Hanafi highlightshikma and Shari ^c a as ‘twin sisters, nursed at the same bosom'; Nasr proposes a hierarchy of knowledge with ‘Divine wisdom’ at the top. Related ideas can be found among some Christian theologians of religion, who have suggested that people of living faiths try to rediscover their shared heritage in ‘the universal economy ofhokhmah’, which may come to serve as a useful interreligious concept.     

The Copts—equal,protected or persecuted? The impact of Islamization on Muslim‐Christian relations in modern Egypt

The Muslim‐Coptic relationship in Egypt is a multifaceted complex, the result of a long historical process. It is impacted by historical memories and perceptions, as well as by modem political and religious trends. Many causes are offered for the recent deterioration in relations by the various players and observers. Whilst most of the causes presented are relevant, the main cause would seem to be the lack of a clear definition of the Egyptian national identity and political community, and the lack of a national consensus on such an identity. Traditionally Islam was the ideology of the state within which the Coptic Christian minority formed a subordinatedhimmi community. For a brief moment from the end of the nineteenth century until the end of the 1920s there seemed to be a process of consensus forming around a secular and liberal Egyptian national identity, as best expressed by the enormously popular nationalist‐liberalWafd party that had pioneered the struggle for Egyptian independence from Britain in the early part of the twentieth century. The rise of Islamic movements since the 1930s, and especially of the fundamentalist resurgence since the 1970s, broke that consensus and pushed Islam again to the fore as the common denominator of the majority, thus leaving the Copts out in the cold. This paper examines the changes in inter‐communal relations and looks at the causes offered for their deterioration, as well as at the views presented by Muslims and Copts on the relevant issues. Historical and contemporary views of self and identity are studied, as well as the views of each community on the religiously ‘other’. The changes in these views over the last decades with the rise of Islamic fundamentalism are seen as a major cause of the worsening relationship.     

Enemies near and far: The image of the Jews in Islamist discourse in egypt

This paper is a study of the image of the Jews in Islamist discourse in modern Egypt. The rise of Zionism and the founding of the state of Israel created a confluence of political and religious interests whereby the Qur'anic view of the Jews was wedded with European anti‐Semitic ideas to create a trans‐historical symbol of evil. Islamist groups used the resulting image of the Jews as a vehicle of Islamic reform. The radicalization of some Islamists, however, changed the way that image functioned in Islamist discourse, making it more central to understanding both the crisis of modern Islam and Egyptian identity.     

Fichte,Hegel, and the Life and Death Struggle

Several commentators have argued that Hegel's account of ‘self-consciousness’ in Chapter IV of the Phenomenology of Spirit can be read as an ‘immanent critique’ of Fichte's idealism. If this is correct, it raises the question of whether Hegel's account of ‘recognition’ in Chapter IV can be interpreted as a critique of Fichte's conception of recognition as expounded in the Foundations of Natural Right. A satisfactory answer to this question will have to provide a plausible interpretation of the ‘life and death struggle’ as an immanent critique of Fichte's account of recognition. This paper aims to provide such an interpretation. The first part of the paper provides a discussion of Fichte's account of recognition that emphasizes its ‘epistemic’ concerns. The second part argues that Hegel's account of the ‘life and death struggle’ can be read plausibly as an immanent critique of Fichte's account of recognition.     

Empowering Muslim children’s spirituality in Malay Archipelago: integration between National Philosophical Foundations and Tawakkul (trust in God)

Multiple studies indicated that children raised to be spiritual were found to be happier, have more resilience and positive outlook towards life events. This paper attempts to explore and integrate the value of spirituality and religious practices. It is approached through the understanding and application of the tawakkul (trust in God) concept, as perceived from an Islamic viewpoint. This aspect is explored through the consolidation of the ‘believing in God’ component, as highlighted in the National Philosophical Foundations in Brunei, Indonesia and Malaysia to tawakkul. It will further seek to find the prospect of empowering Muslim children’s spirituality through such integration. This theoretical paper is based on the Islamic foundations and characteristics; its implementation and implications. The outcome illustrates indication of ‘divine involvement’ as the main essence of tawakkul; resulting sustainable religious, spiritual and moral enhancement. Moreover, an internalised and implicit form of tawakkul should be encouraged to promote self-understanding.     

Hidden or Forbidden,Elected or Rejected: Sufism as ‘Islamic Esotericism’?

The article analyses the background of a popular conception of Sufism as equivalent to ‘Islamic esotericism’ by tracing two different but sometimes confluent currents: reifications of Sufism within Western romanticist and modern environments, and the approach to it in Islamic reformist movements. A further aim is to nuance and problematize such understandings, making use of examples from both historical and contemporary Sufism. Finally, the article briefly discusses possible pros and cons related to the interbreeding of Islamic Studies and the academic studies of Western esotericism.     

Women and the Tablighi Jamacat

Little has been written on theTablighi Jamacat (TJ), probably the largest Islamic movement in the world today and within the existing limited corpus of writings on the TJ, almost no mention has been made of the involvement of women in it. This paper begins with a brief background of the emergence of Islamic reformist efforts in South Asia from the nineteenth century onwards that saw Muslim women as playing an important role in the ‘protection’ and ‘preservation’ of Islam in the wake of Muslim political decline in the region. The particular efforts in this regard of Maulana Muhammad Ilyas, founder of the TJ, are noted. The paper then goes on to discuss the TJ's programme for women's involvement in the work of the movement. This is followed by a discussion of notions of ideal Muslim femininity as spelled out in tracts and books written bytablighi elders. In concluding, we look at what implications the efforts of TJ activity might have for the status of Muslim women generally.     

Nation,State and the Incarnation in the Political Writings of Vladimir Solov'yev: The Transfiguration of Politics

Introduction A great volume of popular literature produced by Islamists strives to demonstrate the universal validity of the Islamic political principles and their applicability in any time and place. Although there is an agreement on certain characteristics of a government in a Muslim society, the debate reflects quite varied interpretations and some essential theoretical differences. The controversy stems largely from the conditions that scholars live in. Regarding the revived interest in creating a state based on Islamic political and moral guidelines, it is possible to encounter various interpretations and different standpoints. For instance, one point of view asserts that ‘the undemocratic nature of Islamic political ideology, popularised in the present times by fundamentalist ideologues, commends it to regimes which have no popular support and need to find some measure of legitimacy’ (Tibi, 1998). With the failure of man-made ideologies and withdrawal of imperialist western powers, according to another standpoint, the inhabitants of the Third World countries were led to revitalise their own sociopolitical values and institute their own political systems. In the case of the Islamic world, the idea of a state based on Islamic political principles, envisaged in the latter perspective, is ’the rekindling of the typical Islamic political ethos‘; in that Islam unifies the spiritual and social realms, it is therefore impossible to divorce politics from religion (Sulaiman, 1987). There is a wide range of contributions and critiques on the issue of Islamic principles guiding the constitutional aspects of a state, particularly since the Iranian Revolution in 1979. The interest in this matter has increased since the terrorist attacks in the USA on 11 September 2001, coinciding with a rising interest in such issues as Islamic social order and so-called Islamic terrorism. Nevertheless, most of these writings are popular and sensational; analytical studies are few. This article aims to fill the gap in scholarly inquiry into such an important matter by exploring the political ideas of major contemporary Muslim thinkers, and by identifying some essential characteristics for a state based on Islamic political principles in the light of the views of these scholars.     

Epistemological notes on recent studies of social perception

Among three possible avenues toward a good society — revolutionary Marxism, liberal‐democratic reform, and radical citizenship education — this paper examines and advocates the third. Societies are held to be ‘good’ so long as the Most Basic Rights are in fact enjoyed by all (i.e. the right (1) to stay alive, (2) to remain unmolested, and (3) to be free to develop one's potentialities). Some key propositions in ‘contract theory’ as represented by such diverse theorists as Socrates, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, and Tussman and Meiklejohn are discussed, and an alternative tradition, ‘freedom theory’, is sketched, with contributions from Socrates, Godwin, Thoreau, and Camus. An argument is then developed to the effect that the contract theorists have all contributed to the basis on which the contemporary ‘liberal make‐believe’ rests. This term refers to the myth that our society is democratic, i.e. that working (only) within the system of our constitutional procedures will or can lead toward a just society. Finally, it is argued that the highest priority in citizenship education is to destroy this liberal make‐believe, and that freedom theory provides a better foundation than contract theory in the struggle for human rights, and for mankind's survival.     

What The Tortoise Has To Say About Diachronic Rationality

Even if you believe just what you rationally ought to believe, you may be open to rational criticism if you do so ‘for the wrong reasons’, as we say. Some have thought that this familiar observation supports the idea that there are diachronic norms of epistemic rationality – namely, norms of good reasoning. Partly drawing upon Carroll's story of Achilles and the Tortoise, this article criticises this line of thought on the grounds that it rests on a mistaken conception of inference.     

Absolute-Brahma: Royce and the Upanishads

While acknowledging a certain affinity between his own thought and the Vedanta concept of a world-soul or universal spirit, Josiah Royce nevertheless locates this concept primarily in what he terms the Second Conception of Being—Mysticism. In his early magnum opus, The World and the Individual (1990. New York, NY: Macmillan), Royce utilizes aspects of the Upanishads in order to flesh out his picture of the mystical understanding of and relationship to being. My primary concern in the present investigation is to introduce some nuance into Royce’s conception of Indian thought, which may then serve to suggest similar possibilities for nuance for Royce’s conception of the Absolute. I will attempt to do in two primary ways: first, I will consider Royce’s use of Indian thought via the Upanishads in explicating his second historical conception of Being. I will then turn briefly to Emerson’s poem ‘Brahma’ and the Bhagavad Gita to see if a certain reversal that occurs in both places problematizes Royce’s depiction of the universal spirit in Indian thought as well as opens up new possibilities for Royce’s own Absolute.