Recopition memory for syntactic and semantic aspects of connected discourse

This study investigates the pattern of retention of syntactic and semantic information shortly after comprehension of connected discourse. Ninety-six Ss listened to 24 taped passages and, after each passage, heard one recognition test sentence which was either identical to a sentence that had occurred in the passage, or was changed in some slight way. The Ss responded “identical” or “changed,” rated their confidence, and classified changes as “meaning” or “form.” Two independent variables were manipulated: (1) The relationship between the original sentence in the passage and the test sentence. The test sentence was (a) semantically changed, (b) changed from active to passive voice or vice versa, (c) formally changed in other ways that did not affect the meaning, or (d) unchanged. Each sentence appeared in all change types. (2) The amount of interpolated material between the original and test sentences was zero, 80, or 160 syllables of connected discourse which was a continuation of the passage. Each S heard passages representing all levels of each variable. All combinations of particular passages, relationship of original and test sentence, and amount of interpolated material were tested. When the test sentence was heard immediately after the original, retention was high for all test types. But after 80½160 syllables, recognition for syntactic changes had dropped to near chance levels while remaining high for semantic changes. Even when the meaning of a sentence was remembered, formal properties that were not necessary for that meaning were forgotten very quickly. The results suggest that the original form of the sentence is stored only for the short time necessary for comprehension to occur. When a semantic interpretation has been made, the meaning is stored. Thus the memory of the meaning is not dependent on memory of the original form of the sentence.     

An event-related fMRI study of syntactic and semantic violations

We used event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging to identify brain regions involved in syntactic and semantic processing. Healthy adult males read well-formed sentences randomly intermixed with sentences which either contained violations of syntactic structure or were semantically implausible. Reading anomalous sentences, as compared to well-formed sentences, yielded distinct patterns of activation for the two violation types. Syntactic violations elicited significantly greater activation than semantic violations primarily in superior frontal cortex. Semantically incongruent sentences elicited greater activation than syntactic violations in the left hippocampal and parahippocampal gyri, the angular gyri bilaterally, the right middle temporal gyrus, and the left inferior frontal sulcus. These results demonstrate that syntactic and semantic processing result in nonidentical patterns of activation, including greater frontal engagement during syntactic processing and larger increases in temporal and temporo-parietal regions during semantic analyses.     

SCEGRAM: An image database for semantic and syntactic inconsistencies in scenes

Our visual environment is not random, but follows compositional rules according to what objects are usually found where. Despite the growing interest in how such semantic and syntactic rules – a scene grammar – enable effective attentional guidance and object perception, no common image database containing highly-controlled object-scene modifications has been publically available. Such a database is essential in minimizing the risk that low-level features drive high-level effects of interest, which is being discussed as possible source of controversial study results. To generate the first database of this kind – SCEGRAM – we took photographs of 62 real-world indoor scenes in six consistency conditions that contain semantic and syntactic (both mild and extreme) violations as well as their combinations. Importantly, always two scenes were paired, so that an object was semantically consistent in one scene (e.g., ketchup in kitchen) and inconsistent in the other (e.g., ketchup in bathroom). Low-level salience did not differ between object-scene conditions and was generally moderate. Additionally, SCEGRAM contains consistency ratings for every object-scene condition, as well as object-absent scenes and object-only images. Finally, a cross-validation using eye-movements replicated previous results of longer dwell times for both semantic and syntactic inconsistencies compared to consistent controls. In sum, the SCEGRAM image database is the first to contain well-controlled semantic and syntactic object-scene inconsistencies that can be used in a broad range of cognitive paradigms (e.g., verbal and pictorial priming, change detection, object identification, etc.) including paradigms addressing developmental aspects of scene grammar. SCEGRAM can be retrieved for research purposes from http://www.scenegrammarlab.com/research/scegram-database/.     

The relative accessibility of semantic and deep-structure syntactic concepts

Three experiments were conducted to determine the relative accessibility of semantic and deep-structure syntactic concepts. In Experiment 1, which employed a concept-formation task, subjects learned the concept “deep-structure subject” more slowly than the case concept “experiencer.” In Experiments 2 and 3, which employed a new recognition memory procedure, subjects performed more poorly when the sentences to be remembered were differentiated on the basis of deep-structure syntactic relations than when they were differentiated on the basis of semantic relations. These results favor Fillmore’s case grammar, or another semantically based theory, rather than the “standard theory” of Chomsky in a model of linguistic behavior.     

Dissociation between syntactic and semantic processing during idiom comprehension

Syntactic and semantic processing of literal and idiomatic phrases were investigated with a priming procedure. In 3 experiments, participants named targets that were syntactically appropriate or inappropriate completions for semantically unrelated sentence contexts. Sentences ended with incomplete idioms (kick the...) and were biased for either a literal (ball) or an idiomatic (bucket) completion. Syntactically appropriate targets were named more quickly than inappropriate ones for both contextual biases, suggesting that syntactic analysis occurs for idioms. In a final experiment, targets were either concrete (expected) or abstract (unexpected) nouns. For literal sentences, the abstract targets were named more slowly than the concrete targets. In contrast, there was no concreteness effect for idiomatic sentences, suggesting that the literal meaning of the idiom is not processed. Overall, the results provide evidence for dissociation between syntactic and semantic processing.     

Hemispheric specialization for semantic and syntactic components of language in simultaneous interpreters

Hemispheric specializations for semantic and syntactic components in Italian (L1) and English (L2) were studied with a dichotic listening test, simulating simultaneous interpretation tasks in 24 right-handed female interpretation students at the Scuola Superiore di Lingue Moderne per Interpreti e Traduttori (SSLM) of the University of Trieste and in 12 right-handed female professional interpreters at the European Communities (EEC). The test involved the recognition of correct translations, translations with semantic errors, and translations with syntactic errors from L1 to L2 and vice versa. As an overall result, both students and interpreters gave significantly more correct answers when sentences in L2 as the target language were sent to the left ear. Students recognized significantly more sentences containing syntactic errors than did professional interpreters, while professional interpreters recognized significantly more sentences with semantic errors than did interpreting students. In regard to hemispheric specialization in interpreting students, no significant asymmetries were revealed in the recognition of semantic and syntactic errors. Professional interpreters showed a significant right-ear superiority in recognizing semantic errors in L1 and a significant left-ear superiority in recognizing semantic errors in L2. In the recognition of syntactic errors, professional interpreters showed significant left-ear superiority for L1 and significant right-ear superiority for L2. The prolonged practice in simultaneous interpreting strategies in EEC professional interpreters may account for some of their peculiar hemispheric specializations for languages revealed by this study.     

Early judgments of semantic and syntactic acceptability by children

Judgments of the acceptability of correct, word order reversed, and semantically anomalous sentences were elicited from 2- and 3-year-old children in a game played with hand puppets. All of the sentences used were simple imperatives and each child was asked to correct those he called wrong. Performance on the judgment task was correlated with each child's mean length of utterance and with his comprehension of reversible active and passive sentences. Only the linguistically most advanced children were able to make a significant number of appropriate judgments and corrections of reversed word order imperatives. Less developed children could appropriately judge and correct semantically anomalous but not incorrect word order imperatives. The importance of semantic as opposed to syntactic factors in children's judgments of the acceptability of sentences is stressed.This research was supported in part by PHS Grant HD-02908 from the National Institute of Child Health and Development. Roger Brown is the principal investigator.     

Familiar words can serve as a semantic seed for syntactic bootstrapping

Young children can exploit the syntactic context of a novel word to narrow down its probable meaning. But how do they learn which contexts are linked to which semantic features in the first place? We investigate if 3‐ to 4‐year‐old children (n = 60) can learn about a syntactic context from tracking its use with only a few familiar words. After watching a 5‐min training video in which a novel function word (i.e., ‘ko’) replaced either personal pronouns or articles, children were able to infer semantic properties for novel words co‐occurring with the newly learned function word (i.e., objects vs. actions). These findings implicate a mechanism by which a distributional analysis, associated with a small vocabulary of known words, could be sufficient to identify some properties associated with specific syntactic contexts.     

Lexical integration: Sequential effects of syntactic and semantic information

Both semantic and syntactic context constraints can influence word processing at the level of lexical integration. In event-related brain potentials (ERPs), semantic integration is reflected by a negativity around 400 msec (N400), whereas phrase structure assignment and syntactic integration are assumed to be reflected by an early left anterior negativity and a late positivity (P600), respectively. An ERP study is presented in which participants read different types of sentences whose terminal verb was either congruent with the preceding context or incongruent due to a phrase structure violation, a semantic violation, or both. The main finding was that only the pure semantic violation condition, but not the combined semantic and syntactic violation condition, elicited a large N400. The two conditions containing phrase structure violations were predominantly characterized by a P600. Both semantic violation conditions, moreover, displayed a late negativity around 700 msec that overlapped with the P600 in the double violation condition. The absence of an N400 effect for elements that are syntactically as well as semantically incongruent with prior context suggests an early influence of phrase structure information on processes of lexical-semantic integration. The present data are discussed in comparison to previous ERP findings, and a new view of lexical integration processes is proposed.     

Retention functions for syntactic and lexical vs semantic information in sentence recognition memory

In a continuous recognition memory design, Ss judged whether each sentence was identical in form and meaning to some previously presented sentence, then judged whether the sentence was identical in meaning irrespective of form, and, finally, rated the likelihood of recognizing the sentence ff it was presented an hour later (memorability). The Ss were given sentences that were new, identical to, or paraphrased from some previously presented sentence, at delays ranging from 0 sec to 2 h. Long-term memory for both semantic information and syntactic-lexical information decayed according to the same exponential-power retention function previously found to be characteristic of the decay of simpler verbal materials (nonsense items, letters, digits, words, and word pairs). Semantic memory primarily differed from syntactic-lexical memory in that the semantic information had a far higher degree of learning, but the decay rate for syntactic-lexical information was also approximately 5 0% greater than the decay rate for semantic information.     

Influences of semantic and syntactic context on open- and closed-class words

Event-related potentials (ERPs) were recorded as subjects read semantically meaningful, syntactically legal but nonsensical and random word strings. The constraints imposed by formal sentence structure alone did not reduce the amplitude of the N400 component elicited by open-class words, whereas semantic constraints did. Semantic constraints also eliminated the word-frequency effect of a larger N400 for low-frequency words. Responses to closed-class words exhibited reduced N400 amplitudes in syntactic and congruent sentences, indicating that formal sentence structure placed greater restrictions on closed-class words than it did on open-class words. However, unlike the open-class results, the impact of sentence context on closed-class words was stable across word positions, suggesting that these syntactic constraints were applied only locally. A second ERP component, distinct from the N400, was elicited primarily by congruent closed-class words.     

BOLD response to semantic and syntactic processing during hypoglycemia is load-dependent

This study investigates how syntactic and semantic load factors impact sentence comprehension and BOLD signal under moderate hypoglycemia. A dual session, whole brain fMRI study was conducted on 16 healthy participants using the glucose clamp technique. In one session, they experienced insulin-induced hypoglycemia (plasma glucose at ∼50 mg/dL); in the other, plasma glucose was maintained at euglycemic levels (∼100 mg/dL). During scans subjects were presented with sentences of contrasting syntactic (embedding vs. conjunction) and semantic (reversibility vs. irreversibility) load. Semantic factors dominated the overall load effects on both performance (p < 0.001) and BOLD response (p < 0.01, corrected). Differential BOLD signal was observed in frontal, temporal, temporo-parietal and medio-temporal regions. Hypoglycemia and syntactic factors significantly impacted performance (p = 0.002) and BOLD response (p < 0.01, corrected) in the reversible clause conditions, more extensively in reversible-embedded than in reversible-conjoined clauses. Hypoglycemia resulted in a robust decrease in performance on reversible clauses and exerted attenuating effects on BOLD unselectively across cortical circuits.The dominance of reversibility in all measures underscores the distinction between the syntactic and semantic contrasts. The syntactic is based in a quantitative difference in algorithms interpreting embedded and conjoined structures. We suggest that the semantic is based in a qualitative difference between algorithmic mapping of arguments in reversible clauses and heuristic linking in irreversible clauses. Because heuristics drastically reduce resource demand, the operations they support would resist the load-dependent cognitive consequences of hypoglycemia.     

Action‐semantic and syntactic deficits in subjects at risk for Huntington's disease

Frontostriatal networks play critical roles in grounding action semantics and syntactic skills. Indeed, their atrophy distinctively disrupts both domains, as observed in patients with Huntington's disease (HD) and Parkinson's disease, even during early disease stages. However, frontostriatal degeneration in these conditions may begin up to 15 years before the onset of clinical symptoms, opening avenues for pre‐clinical detection via sensitive tasks. Such a mission is particularly critical in HD, given that patients’ children have 50% chances of inheriting the disease. Against this background, we assessed whether deficits in the above‐mentioned domains emerge in subjects at risk to develop HD. We administered tasks tapping action semantics, object semantics, and two forms of syntactic processing to 18 patients with HD, 19 asymptomatic first‐degree relatives, and sociodemographically matched controls for each group. The patients evinced significant deficits in all tasks, but only those in the two target domains were independent of overall cognitive state. More crucially, relative to controls, the asymptomatic relatives were selectively impaired in action semantics and in the more complex syntactic task, with both patterns emerging irrespective of the subjects’ overall cognitive state. Our findings highlight the relevance of these dysfunctions as potential prodromal biomarkers of HD. Moreover, they offer theoretical insights into the differential contributions of frontostriatal hubs to both domains while paving the way for innovations in diagnostic procedures.     

Automatic syntactic computation and use of semantic information during sentence comprehension

Summary The paper represents a contribution to the issue of the differential effects of syntactic, semantic and pragmatic information in the process of sentence comprehension. The results of four experiments are reported, in which sentences containing syntactic, semantic and pragmatic violations were presented with different tasks to see how these violations affected language comprehension, how easily they were detected and whether they affected sentence comprehension even when they were not explicitly recognized. The main results can be summarized as follows. First, the most relevant cues used to comprehend a sentence are not so much syntactic, but semantic or pragmatic. Second, with difficult or anomalous linguistic input, syntactic cues become more important. Third, even when the reader is not aware of syntactic violations, these seem to affect his processing of the linguistic input. This suggests the hypothesis of an automatic computation of syntactic information, the output of which is, however, used only when evidence coming from other sources, semantic or pragmatic, is insufficient or not clear enough.     

Differences in the perception and time course of syntactic and semantic violations

A reading time and an ERP experiment conducted in Italian investigated the parser's responses to a syntactic violation (subject-verb number agreement) and to a semantic violation (subject-verb selectional restriction), examining the time course of comprehension processes until sentence end. The reading-time data showed that the syntactic violation was detected earlier than the semantic one and that the two violations differed in the time-course. The ERP data fully supported the reading time data: Syntactic anomalies elicited a left anterior negativity (LAN) and a P600. Semantic anomalies elicited a N400 centred on the parietal sites which started 90 ms later (latency 430 ms) than the LAN. Furthermore, the N400 evoked by the words that followed the target word continued and increased until sentence end. The results are discussed with respect to the hypotheses that the parser constructs distinct syntactic and semantic analyses of a sentence and that this characteristic holds cross-linguistically. The appropriateness of different methodologies to the study of sentence processing is also evaluated.     

The retrieval of syntactic and semantic information in the production of verbs

In Italian, there are two aspectual auxiliaries: essere (to be) and avere (to have). According to the syntactic hypothesis, aspectual auxiliary assignment in Italian is a syntactic phenomenon. Using the picture-word interference paradigm, Experiment 1 tested the predictions of this view. Results failed to support the syntactic hypothesis but could be explained within a semantic framework: A verb's thematic grid is involved in aspectual auxiliary assignment. Experiment 2 tested this hypothesis. The findings corroborated the predictions. The evidence is interpreted as suggesting the involvement of thematic information in the assignment of the aspectual auxiliary during the production of Italian verbs.     

语义和句法信息在副中央凹加工中的作用

读者能够从副中央凹中提取到什么类型的信息, 是当前阅读眼动研究领域关注的焦点问题.当前普遍认为低水平信息(如正字法信息)可以在副中央凹中得以加工, 但是高水平的信息(如语义和句法信息)能否从副中央凹中进行提取存在争议.本文总结了近年来高水平信息在副中央凹加工的研究进展, 包括拼音文字和非拼音文字(如中文)阅读过程中语义和句法预视效益的研究现状及影响因素, 当前眼动控制模型(如E-Z读者和SWIFT)对预视效益的解释和不足之处, 最后提出未来关于语义和句法预视加工的研究方向.     

The consequences of reduced memory span for the comprehension of semantic versus syntactic information

Aphasic patients with restricted memory spans were assessed on their comprehension of syntactically simple sentences varying in numbers of content words and on their comprehension of sentences matched in content words but varying in syntactic complexity. Three different presentation modes were used: unlimited visual presentation, limited visual presentation, and auditory presentation. The difference between performance in the unlimited and limited modes was used as a measure of the extent to which memory decrements caused comprehension failure. These difference scores were related to memory span in order to assess whether the memory involved in sentence processing overlaps that assessed by a memory span task. For the sentences varying in number of content words, performance was worse for the limited presentation modes than the unlimited mode, and the difference between unlimited and limited presentation modes was highly related to memory span. For the sentences varying in syntactic complexity, there was no clear reduction in performance for limited presentation modes, and the difference scores did not relate to memory span. The results support the view that the processing of sentences with many content words draws on the short-term memory capacity assessed by memory span, while the processing of syntactic complexity does not.     

A study of semantic and syntactic processing in monolinguals and fluent early bilinguals

The present study consists of two reaction-time experiments administered in English. These experiments were designed to compare semantic and syntactic processing in English monolinguals and fluent early French-English bilinguals. Results of both experiments revealed that the bilinguals did not function as the English monolinguals did. That is, their reaction times were slower and they made twice as many errors in response to certain sentences. These findings are especially important for two reasons: (1) The bilinguals were all highly fluent, and in most cases dominant, in English, and (2) the bilinguals exhibited systematic differences in two different linguistic components (the semantic and the syntactic). The results are viewed as evidence of the interdependence of the bilinguals' languages. Some note is made of individual patterns of response, and two interpretations of linguistic interdependence are provided.