儒家伦理"普世化"之反思

近年来,儒家伦理"普世化"的主张应运而生并得到了理论界的积极响应。然而,不论是在世界意义或本土意义上把儒家伦理直接发展成为普遍伦理,还是让其作为一种伦理资源参与普世伦理的建构,儒家伦理"普世化"都不能真正使儒家伦理再现昔日的辉煌。在当代全球性文化危机和中国传统文化"失语"的背景下,只有在冷静、客观地分析儒家伦理对当今及未来现代化进程的正负面效力的基础上,针对中国社会的现实问题,扎扎实实地做好文化治疗和创建工作,才是当前弘扬儒家伦理文化应该采取的姿态。     

"逻辑"是否可以取代"仁德"?——答邓晓芒先生对儒家"亲亲"伦理的质询

“亲亲相隐”是儒家“亲亲”思想在有结构性限制或过失的亲属间贯彻仁爱精神,进而促使人格成长的文化与伦理选择。“亲亲”之仁在君统与宗统存在矛盾的宗法社会,是方法与价值相统一的,是人们正当的权利,本身具有增德向善的功能,并不逊色于苏格拉底所从事的哲学“批判”事业。相反,“逻辑”作为方法虽可有利于分析和澄清问题,表述思想,但因本身无价值方向、忽略人格成长过程,不能取代作为终极关怀的“仁道”的地位。如果单纯运用“逻辑”分析方法,抽去了人格成长和修养的内容,可能会得出“亲亲相隐”有腐败倾向的结论,但其也并不足以支持对儒家伦理的基本否定。今天对于象征中国文化之根的儒家伦理更需从积极的一面来理解。     

试论楚简《五行》篇的"德之行"

“德之行”是思孟“五行”学说的基础。通过对“德”义发展史的考查,本文认为“德之行”是子思对早期儒家“德行”观的一个突破,而孟苟思想的差异体现了儒者在“行”和“德之行”这两种“德”观念上的不同选择。“德之行”的提出,为儒家开出了新命题新方向,它提升了儒家的伦理规范,是儒家伦理宗教化的开端。     

"礼"-徽州祠堂之"伦理"理性

在儒家伦理中,礼是维系天地人伦上下尊卑的宇宙秩序和社会秩序的准则。祠堂,作为中国特有的宗法文化的载体,体现着“礼”的伦理理性精神。     

儒家诚信道德的现代转化

现代社会的信用伦理只能在现有的文化传统基础上建立。中国传统文化中并不缺乏诚信资源 ,当代中国社会的伦理生活表明 ,以儒家为代表的诚信道德传统作为一种活着的有生命力的伦理传统依然在人们的现实生活中发挥着独特的影响 ,而且必将成为建构现代信用伦理的根本和主要资源。但是 ,现代社会与传统社会的经济关系、人际关系都发生了根本性的变化 ,儒家的诚信伦理在内涵和外延上都需要转化和扩充 ,将之直接作为规范市场经济的伦理原则难免捉襟见肘 ,这也正是时下人们在“人无信不立”的古训面前呼唤诚信的原因所在。儒家的诚信伦理要在市场经…     

"日常生活世界"的道德秩序建构:先秦儒家的尝试

日常生活世界的道德秩序对于大多数人而言是理所当然的,但这种道德秩序是如何可能呢?本以先秦儒家的努力来尝试回答此问题：从先秦儒家对传统社会的伦理结构的认识,道德秩序的建构所应对的“欲”、“恶”的基本焦虑,以及传统道德秩序的“仁”—“礼”运行模式等方面来见证日常生活世界道德秩序的稳定性和规范化并非自然而然的,而是有一个自觉努力的建构的过程。     

孔子生态伦理思想发微

孔子最早阐述了儒家生态伦理思想。主要有 :“知命畏天”的生态伦理意识、“乐山乐水”的生态伦理情怀、“弋不射宿”的生态资源节用观。这些思想为我们今天正确认识人与自然的关系 ,保护生态环境提供了有益的精神资源。     

政治伦理：“以德治国”的本体定位

德治本体问题是对“以德治国”的形而上追问,我们必须时“政治伦理”作为德治的本体定位进行探究,才能为“以德治国”提供理论资源。     

儒家孝道伦理与超越性问题——重思马克斯·韦伯关于儒家孝道的论述

韦伯以为孝道是中华文明中一切德行的源头,是作为家产官僚制中国的统治阶层——儒士阶层的身份伦理或官僚哲学.由于韦伯祛除了儒家孝道的“孝天”维度而专注于孝亲,并且不能看到孝与仁的一体关联,所以孝道被降格为缺乏形而上学与超越性支撑的习俗伦理,这使得孝道伦理成了基于传统主义的对世界的被动适应,缺乏支配与转化世界的动能.以基督教一神教为背景,韦伯认为,儒家天命不废百神因而不能脱离巫术,不能达成自身的合理化;儒家亲亲—仁民—爱物的“爱的秩序”无法超出世内之人的常情,转而将现实世界视为所有可能世界中最美好的一个,以至于丧失改造动能;而基督教则能从超越性的普遍之爱出发,将现世与超世之间的结构性张力最大化,从而内含改造现实世界的动能.韦伯对儒家孝道伦理的论述是从现代性的西方文明起源的问题意识出发,而在西方文明的他者中寻求旁证,因而儒家孝道不能得到如其所是的理解.     

先秦儒家"和为贵"的政治伦理追求

“和为贵”是先秦儒家政治伦理思想的核心理念和本质特征。重视“人和”的社会管理思想．强调“民为邦本”的和谐社会基础,提倡“修己安人”的“和”政治伦理要求,构成了先秦儒家“和为贵”的政治伦理内涵。吸取其合理养分,对于我们今天构建社会主义和谐社会仍具有一定的借鉴作用。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.