儒学的德性进路对评价管仲、齐桓公的影响

以孔子、孟子为代表的传统儒学注重通过心性论的方式诠释德性自律,而荀子则从人性恶入手,强调通过礼制的教化作用以化性起伪。儒学的这两种德性进路对两宋时期尊孟派与疑孟派评价管仲、齐桓公产生了重要影响。疑孟派强调"礼"作为一种外在规范对人行为的制约作用,充分肯定齐桓公、管仲尊王攘夷的霸业对维护周礼的积极意义,并对王道、霸道进行量化分析,将王道、霸道视作同一性质而不同层次的两种为政方式。尊孟派则极力区分孔子称赞管仲"如其仁"的内涵,在充分肯定管仲具有"仁之功"的同时,从儒学心性论的角度否认管仲之"仁"。疑孟派充分肯定了齐桓公、管仲的霸道,尊孟派则严格区分王道、霸道在性质上之不同,揭示了齐桓公、管仲霸道"假仁以霸"的本质。尊孟派与疑孟派关于评价管仲、齐桓公的分歧,本质上是儒家两种德性进路的分歧。管商功利主义是管仲思想在不同历史时期的再现,儒学德性进路的分歧又形成对管商功利主义评价的分歧。     

先秦儒墨思维方法之比较

先秦儒、墨两家的思维方法,是以类推为主。类推方法包含类比式论证,但在儒、墨两家思维方法中有更丰富之内涵。类推方法涉及"故"的原因、理由,"理"的类型与层次问题及"类"的划分方式。其中,"理"也可分析为推论的"所依之理",及事态本身的"所据之理"。本文从孔、孟、荀、墨文本中择取推论性段落,分析各家对故、理、类的使用,构作思想单位。比较孔、孟、荀三者之间的异同,指出儒家是以教化、实践为导向,重视"所据之理";墨家相对于儒家,更关切名辩、推论的"所依之理"。儒家重视内在的体证,墨家重视经验上的可验证性,两家思维方法多所不同。     

论君子——孔孟荀理想人格剖析

<正> 在先秦儒家孔、孟、荀的学说中,有关“君子”的论述占有显著地位。由于儒学在中国古代社会文化发展中的特殊作用,使君子人格对中国国民性、特别是知识分子性格的形成有着极为深刻的影响,至今仍不难见到这种影响的烙印。因此有必要深入探讨君子人格的内涵、基本特征以及历史演变。一、儒家君子与西周君子的区别     

政治家管仲的“不仁”之“仁”

管仲是春秋时期的齐国名相,但是一些儒家学说的代表人物对其在为政上和私德方面多有“不仁”的评议,然而,管仲提出的“尊周攘夷”以及“亲邻”的策略维护了中原地区的统一,保护了中华文明,促进了各诸侯国的强盛,进而实现了一位政治家在政治上的为“仁”。此外,管仲的所谓诸多“不仁”之行与其政治家的社会角色有关,对他的“仁”与“不仁”的评价亦不能不考虑到其政治家的社会身份以及所处时代的时代特点。     

儒家王道政治秩序的构建及其遇到的困境——以“管仲之器小哉”的诠释为例

一、不知礼与如其仁:孔子对管仲的评价管仲是春秋时期著名的政治家,不过,对于管仲的评价争议颇多。在这些争议中,多涉及儒家的关键议题,因此,也必然成为孔门师徒经常讨论的问题。《论语》有关管仲的讨论主要在《八佾》和     

《礼记》的礼治主义思想

<正> 《礼记》是儒家的重要经典之一,其成书的时间跨度较长,历经战国秦汉之际以至汉初。今存《大戴礼记》和小戴《礼记》则是汉代经学家戴德、戴圣据之删辑而成的。这在学术界几成定论。《礼记》本非一人所作,故内容十分博杂,就其思想内容而言则涉及政治、伦理、文化、教育、哲学、宗教等各个方面。它在思想理论方面对儒家学说进行了广泛的改造和发挥,上承先秦孔、盂、荀,下启汉代董仲舒以至《白虎通》,在儒学发展史上占据着相当重要的位置。礼治主义构成了《礼记》的思想核心。它是在继承孔、孟、荀礼治主义学说基础上的进一步发展,从而成为先秦礼治主义思想的集成和总结。本文试图在前人研究的基础上,对《礼记》中的礼治主义思想做些考察和分析,以期促进对于儒家政治思想学说的探讨和研究。     

戴震"仁"学考论

戴震对儒家"仁"学进行了细致且系统的考辨。在戴震看来,"仁"合于"道",根于"人伦日用",合本体、准则、德性于一,表现为:形上之"生生"、人伦之"欲无私"与人伦之"遂欲通情";"生生"是"欲无私"与"遂欲通情"的形上根基、"欲无私"与"遂欲通情"表现且确证"生生""遂欲通情"又是"欲无私"的推己及人;由"生生"而"欲无私"再"遂欲达情"乃"归于必然,适完其自然",三者圆融一体。这在发扬原始儒家"生生"之仁的同时,实现了原始儒家以"仁"统贯诸德的初衷,并通过对欲、理、仁关系的厘清和爱人、忠恕的新诠完成其对宋儒之仁的批判与孔孟之仁的超越,从而还"欲"于"仁",将伦理根植于生活,倡导了一种事实与价值合一、德性与幸福一致的伦理生活,开启儒家"仁"学一代新风。     

孔门弟子的不同思想倾向和儒家的分化

<正> 孔门弟子的不同思想倾向和孔子死后儒家的分化是先秦儒学发展中的一个重要问题,对这个问题的研究不仅可以填补孔子与孟子间一个世纪儒学发展的空白,而且对探讨孟子和荀子为什么会从不同的角度对孔子思想加以深化是有意义的。在一定意义上说,正是因为孔门弟子发生思想分化,才有后来孟、荀从不同角度对孔子思想的深化。     

德性之"仁"与规范之"仁"——简论早期儒家的"仁"说及其现代价值

"仁"是早期儒家学说中的重要范畴.这一范畴既表明了儒家所理解并推崇的最高德性,又界定了儒家所主张的人们生活中普遍适用的行为规范.在儒家学者看来,如果一个人在社会生活中能够自觉地坚持"由仁义行",其结果则可为"行仁义".换言之,一个人若能够具备由"仁"这一范畴所表达的美好德性,实践由"仁"这一范畴所界定的伦理规范,其行为就会是道德的行为,亦即能获取自己圆满的人生价值.在儒家学说中,这种以"仁"范畴表达和论释的人的美德与行为规范及二者统一的伦理思想,值得我们在新的时代条件下借鉴与思考.因为人的德性与人的德行统一,德性是德行的基础,具备良好的德性,可导引行为的道德;坚持德行,则可以完善和彰显人的美德,正是今天我们在现实生活中倡导与追求的伦理意识.而这样的伦理意识早已蕴含在儒家以"仁"范畴为中心建构起来的仁学系统之中.     

早期儒家的道家化

儒家的道家化和道家的儒家化是中国哲学史上的一个值得探讨的新课题。 儒道两家从他们的创始人开始,便有着思想上的对话。战国中期以后,在百家争鸣的学术环境里,稷下道家在伦理思想上吸收儒家的仁义学说及礼制文化;儒家的孟、荀在哲学上接受道家的宇宙论、自然观。因此我们可以说所谓先秦儒家的道家化乃是指儒家在哲学上的道家化,而所谓稷下道家的儒家化,乃是指稷下道家在伦理学上的儒学化。     

Equality and Inequality in Confucianism

This essay studies equality and inequality in Confucianism. By studying Confucius, Mencius, Xunzi, and other classic thinkers, I argue that Confucian equality is manifested in two forms. Numerical equality is founded in the Mencian belief that every person is born with the same moral potential and the Xunzian notion that all people have the same xing and the same potential for moral cultivation. It is also manifested in the form of role-based equality. Proportional equality, however, is the main notion of equality in Confucian philosophy. Proportional equality is realized in moral, economic, and political realms. On the basis of these notions of Confucian equality, I propose two Confucian political principles for contemporary society. The first is the inclusive principle of general election by citizenry, and the second is the exclusive principle of qualification for public offices.     

Artifice and virtue in the<Emphasis Type="Italic">Xunzi</Emphasis>

Xunzi was chronologically the third of the three great Confucian thinkers of China’s classical period, after Confucius and Mencius. Having produced the most comprehensive philosophical system of that period, he occupies a place in the development of Chinese philosophy comparable to that of Aristotle in the Western philosophical tradition. This essay reveals how Xunzi’s understanding of virtue and moral development dovetailed with his positions on ritual propriety, the attunement of names, the relation betweenli (patterns) andlei (categories), and his view ofdao (the way) in general. I have argued for a “constructivist” understanding of each of these aspects of Xunzi’s philosophy in some detail elsewhere (see Hagen 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003), and so here I will just briefly review a few key points before addressing their relation to moral development.     

浅论先秦儒家的善与不善概念——兼析孟荀的人性善恶之辩

以孔孟为代表的先秦儒家,常以善与不善为相对的伦理范畴.孟子以善为主导而引出不善,故强调知心尽性、存心养性.美与恶作为相对概念另有含义,涉及伦理道德时,则显示程度上的特质.其间深意,于今仍有启示.     

Before and after Ritual: Two Accounts of Li as Virtue in Early Confucianism

In this article, I probe the nature of Confucian virtue with special focus on ritual propriety (li). I examine two classic, mutually competing accounts of li??as moral virtue and as civic virtue??in early Confucianism by investigating the thoughts of Mencius and Xunzi. My primary aim in this article is to demonstrate how their different accounts of human nature and equally different understandings of the natural state (that is, the pre-li state) led them to the development of two distinctive political theories of virtue in the Confucian tradition. More specifically, they justified the nature of the li on different terms??human/moral on the one hand and civic/political on the other. I conclude by revisiting the contemporary debate on the nature of Confucian ethics from the perspective of early Confucianism represented by Mencius and Xunzi.     

王廷相道寓于“六经”的思想

王廷相提出道寓于“六经”的思想,以“六经”为载道之文,强调求道于“六经”,而不讲“四书”;并尊孔非孟,批评宋儒之学。以维护孔子及“六经”的权威来降低孟子、朱熹及“四书”的权威和重要性,修正朱学的流弊,这在经学史和理学史上均具有重要意义,体现了王延相经学与理学思想的独特性。     

Between Good and Evil: Xunzi’s Reinterpretation of the Hegemonic Rule as Decent Governance

This essay investigates Xunzi’s political philosophy of ba dao (Hegemonic Rule). It argues that Xunzi’s practical philosophy of ba dao was developed in the course of resolving the tension between theory and practice latent in Mencius’s account of ba dao. Its central claim is that contra Mencius who remained torn between his ideal political theory of ba dao and the practical utility and moral value of ba dao, Xunzi creatively re-appropriated ba dao as a “morally decent” (if not morally ideal) statecraft, within the parameter of practical Confucian philosophy. After examining the moral and political value of ba dao in both domestic and international governance, the essay concludes by arguing that Xunzi’s defense of ba dao should be understood in the context of what I call “negative Confucianism,” without which the realization of the Confucian moral-political ideal (or positive Confucianism) is impossible.     

To Become a Filial Son,a Loyal Subject,or a Humane Person?—On the Confucian Ideas about Humanity

Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi regard the human as an emotional being and especially consider such moral feelings as humane love, filial piety and devoted loyalty to be the constituent elements of humanity. On the one hand, they try to integrate the corresponding multiple roles of the humane person, filial son and loyal subject in harmony in order to make one become a true human in the ethical sense; on the other hand, they assign a supreme position merely to filial piety or loyalty in cases of conflict because they regard one's parents or ruler as the greatest root of one's life, respectively. As a result, their ideas about humanity fall into some in-depth moral paradoxes, which might be resolved by a post-Confucian transformation of the traditional Confucian framework from particularistic consanguinism to universalistic humanism.     

荀子性恶论的多维解读

在传统思想研究中,苟子是以性恶论而与孟子、老庄一同构成了中国古典人性论。其实,深入阅读苟子读本,笔者发现荀子对人性的评判较为复杂。传统性恶论远不能揭示荀子人性论思想的丰富性和多元性。笔者现从苟子之“性”的中性色彩、苟子之“恶”的真实解释、苟子人性论中的向善和知善、人和环境的互动四个层面予以展开论述。     

THE CLASSICAL CONFUCIAN POSITION ON THE LEGITIMATE USE OF MILITARY FORCE

Focusing on the thought of Mencius and Xunzi, this essay reconstructs and examines the classical Confucian position on the legitimate use of military force. It begins by sketching historically important political concepts, such as types of political leaders, politics of the kingly way versus politics of the hegemonic way, and the controversial role of lords‐protector. It then moves on to explore Confucian criteria for justifying resort to the use of force, giving special attention to undertaking punitive expeditions to interdict and punish aggression and tyranny. Following this discussion, the essay then attends to important Confucian moral constraints on how military force is properly employed, including prohibitions on attacking the defenseless, indiscriminate slaughter of enemy forces, destruction of civilian infrastructure, prisoner abuse, and non‐consensual annexation of territory. The essay concludes by first discussing an illustrative case from Mencius and then comparing its reconstruction of the Confucian position to those offered by other scholars.     

ESOTERIC CONFUCIANISM,MORAL DILEMMAS,AND FILIAL PIETY

Two controversial cases in Confucian literature present the demands of filial piety as conflicting with those of impartial justice. Let us call them the Case of Concealment (Analects 18.13) and the Case of Evasion (Mencius 7A53). A dogmatic reading of the texts indicates that both Confucius and Mencius give more weight to filial piety than to justice. This essay, however, provides an alternative reading of the cases: the liberal reading. I argue that the Confucian teachers used the cases as moral dilemmas that force Confucian students to learn how to use a cluster of Confucian virtues, including practical wisdom, discretion, and straight determination, under difficult circumstances. The liberal reading views these moral dilemmas as rhetorical tools; they guide Confucian students in meditative exercises and ultimately transform students’ mode of seeing and being.