自尊稳定性的认知神经机制

自尊稳定性(自尊在短期内波动的幅度)是一种具有重要心理功能的人格特质, 它既不同于自尊水平, 也区别于情境性自尊, 但在理论和测量上却与后两者具有密不可分的联系。然而, 由于目前人们对于自尊稳定性的认知神经机制知之甚少, 所以并不清楚它与自尊水平在生理机制上的关系是什么, 更不了解它会如何调节情境性自尊。鉴于此, 本研究计划将自尊稳定性、自尊水平和情境性自尊置于整合的认知神经加工模型(神经内分泌-脑-行为)之中, 通过融合心理测量、脑成像与应激诱发等多种技术指标, 力争全方位、多角度揭示自尊稳定性的认知神经机制, 及其与自尊水平、情境性自尊间的区别和联系。     

Individual differences in reactivity to daily events: examining the roles of stability and level of self-esteem

Unstable self-esteem is thought to reflect fragile and vulnerable feelings of self-worth that are affected by specific positive and negative events. Direct evidence for this contention is lacking, however. To redress this situation, we examined the extent to which level and stability of self-esteem predicted the impact that everyday positive and negative events had on individuals' feelings about themselves. Participants recorded the most positive and most negative event that occurred each day Monday through Thursday for a period of 2 weeks. They then indicated the extent to which each event made them feel better or worse about themselves. As anticipated, negative and positive events had a greater impact on the self-feelings of individuals with unstable as opposed to stable self-esteem (although the effect for positive events was marginal). Additional findings indicated that event qualities (i.e., self-esteem relevance and concerns about social acceptance/rejection) could account for the unstable self-esteem/greater reactivity link for negative events, but not for positive events. Negative, but not positive, events had a greater impact on the self-feelings of individuals with low as compared to high levels of self-esteem. Theoretical implications are discussed.     

Self-perceptions of reactions to doing well or poorly: The roles of stability and level of self-esteem

We examined how individual differences in stability and level of self-esteem relate to self-perceptions of reactions to evaluative events. After exposure to either positive or negative mood-inducing stimuli, participants indicated the likelihood that they would react in reasonable, defensive/aggrandizing, and self-deprecating ways to doing well or poorly at something. Compared to stable high self-esteem individuals (stable high SEs), unstable high SEs reported a greater likelihood of reactions that appear to reflect fragile feelings of self-worth (e.g. more defensive/aggrandizing reactions). Fewer differences as a function of stability of self-esteem emerged among low SEs. Mood interacted with the self-esteem variables in the prediction of several reaction categories. These findings lend support for a multifaceted conceptualization of self-esteem and its role in psychological functioning.     

Pulling yourself together: Meditation promotes congruence between implicit and explicit self-esteem

Self-reported or explicit self-esteem frequently conflicts with indirectly assessed, implicit self-esteem. The present research investigated whether meditation may reduce such inner conflicts by promoting congruence between implicit and explicit self-esteem. Relative to control conditions, meditation led to greater congruence between explicit self-esteem, assessed via self-report, and implicit self-esteem, indicated by name-letter preference (Studies 1 and 2). Low implicit self-esteem was further associated with a slow-down of explicit self-evaluation (Study 2), an effect that mediated the greater congruence between implicit and explicit self-esteem in the meditation condition. These results suggest that meditation encourages people to rely more on intuitive feelings of self-worth.     

The role of unstable self-esteem in the appraisal of romantic relationships

The relationship appraisals of individuals with stable and unstable forms of self-esteem were examined in two studies using undergraduate participants. Study 1 (N = 166) used indicators of relationship closeness and satisfaction whereas Study 2 (N = 125) examined relationship commitment. Across both studies, men with unstable high self-esteem reported more positive views of their relationships than other individuals. We believe that the fragile nature of their feelings of self-worth may have motivated these men to appraise their relationships positively in an effort to maintain and enhance their own tenuous feelings of self-worth. These findings suggest that men with unstable high self-esteem may use their romantic relationships to regulate how they feel about themselves.     

The costly pursuit of self-esteem

Researchers have recently questioned the benefits associated with having high self-esteem. The authors propose that the importance of self-esteem lies more in how people strive for it rather than whether it is high or low. They argue that in domains in which their self-worth is invested, people adopt the goal to validate their abilities and qualities, and hence their self-worth. When people have self-validation goals, they react to threats in these domains in ways that undermine learning; relatedness; autonomy and self-regulation; and over time, mental and physical health. The short-term emotional benefits of pursuing self-esteem are often outweighed by long-term costs. Previous research on self-esteem is reinterpreted in terms of self-esteem striving. Cultural roots of the pursuit of self-esteem are considered. Finally, the alternatives to pursuing self-esteem, and ways of avoiding its costs, are discussed.     

The emergence of narcissism and self-esteem: A social-cognitive approach*

Abstract

What separates narcissism from self-esteem, and what sparks their development? This article proposes that narcissism and self-esteem are underpinned by distinct core beliefs – beliefs about the nature of the self, of others, and of the relationship between the self and others. These beliefs (1) arise early in development, (2) are cultivated by distinct socialization experiences, and (3) can be targeted through precise interventions so as to simultaneously curb narcissism and raise self-esteem. Recognizing the distinction between narcissism and self-esteem will help parents, teachers, and practitioners nurture healthy feelings of self-worth in children from an early age.     

Self-esteem maintenance processes: why low self-esteem may be resistant to change

If most people desire to maximize feelings of self-worth, how do we explain the persistence of low self-esteem? Results from four studies suggest that people with low self-esteem may be less likely to accept positive feedback from themselves than from an outside source but equally likely to accept negative feedback from the self and an outsider. When the self was the source of positive feedback, people high, but not low, in self-esteem incorporated the feedback into their self-views; in contrast, when positive feedback came from a knowledgeable external source, both high and low self-esteem people accepted it. Finally, when self-generated feedback was negative, participants low in self-esteem accepted it. The authors discuss how these findings shed light on the maintenance of low self-esteem.     

Stability of self-esteem as a moderator of the relation between level of self-esteem and depression

The hypothesis that stability of self-esteem would moderate the predictive relationship between level of self-esteem and depression was tested. Specifically, level of self-esteem was hypothesized to relate more strongly to subsequent depression for individuals with stable self-esteem than for individuals with unstable self-esteem. Results strongly supported this hypothesis. Implications for the relation between level of self-esteem and depression, and for the moderator variable approach to personality and prediction, are discussed.     

The pursuit of self-esteem: contingencies of self-worth and self-regulation

Successful self-regulation is defined as the willingness to exert effort toward one's most important goals, while taking setbacks and failures as opportunities to learn, identify weaknesses and address them, and develop new strategies toward achieving those goals. Contingencies of self-worth can facilitate self-regulation because people are highly motivated to succeed and avoid failure in domains of contingency. However, because boosts in self-esteem are pleasurable and drops in self-esteem are painful, protection, maintenance, and enhancement of self-esteem can become the overriding goal. Several pitfalls for self-regulation can result, especially when tasks are difficult and failure is likely. In this article, we describe a program of research examining these self-regulation pitfalls associated with contingent self-worth and suggest that learning orientations, particularly the willingness to embrace failure for the learning it affords, foster successful self-regulation even in people with highly contingent self-esteem.     

Obsessive-compulsive disorder, anxiety disorders, and self-esteem: an exploratory study.

In a preliminary investigation of the link between self-esteem and obsessional problems, patients with OCD were compared with people suffering from other anxiety disorders and non-anxious controls. A questionnaire was devised which allowed the reliable coding of open ended responses focussed on issues surrounding self-worth; standardized measures of self-esteem and clinical symptomatology were also administered. Results indicated that both clinical groups differed significantly from non-clinical controls on generalized self-esteem assessments. There was some evidence of OCD specific effects; obsessionals were more likely than anxious controls to link their self-worth to other people and their relationships. They also regarded the possibility of causing harm as likely to result in other people making extreme negative and critical judgements of them; the other groups expected the responses of others towards them to be more lenient. The implications for future research and for treatment of OCD are discussed.     

Beyond the debate: Why some adolescents report stable self-worth over time and situation, whereas others report changes in self-worth

Within the field of personality and social psychology, there has been historical controversy over whether constructs such as self-esteem are stable over time and situation or whether they are changeable. One response to this question has been to invoke two types of self-esteem or self-worth, trait self-esteem and state self-esteem. Thus it has been asserted that adolescents, the participants in this paper, have both a baseline self-esteem as well as a barometric self-esteem that represents short-term fluctuations (Rosenberg, 1986). In this paper, we contend that constructs such as self-esteem are not, in and of themselves, trait-like or state-like in nature. Rather, certain individuals display trait-like behavior, whereas others demonstrate change in self-esteem or self-worth across relatively long periods of time, on a short-term basis, and across situations. Three studies document these claims. The first addresses self-worth as a function of the transition from high school to college. The second examines short-term fluctuations in self-worth. The third investigates variability in self-worth across relational contexts, namely, relational self-worth. In each study, findings reveal that certain adolescents report stability in self-worth whereas others report change, fluctuations, or variability. Social causes of these individual differences are identified in each study, as are mental health implications. It is argued that such approaches provide a clearer understanding of the complexity of self-processes.     

Interpersonal consequences of seeking self-esteem

This study examines the interactive effects of self-esteem, contingencies of self-worth, and ego threat on supportiveness and liking. Targets high or low in self-esteem and academic contingency receive failure test feedback or no evaluative feedback. Then, targets interact with another participant who discloses a personal problem; afterward, both participants complete questionnaires assessing targets' supportiveness and liking. High self-esteem, highly contingent targets feel less supportive and like partners less after interacting under threat than under no threat. Partners, in turn, perceive these targets to be less supportive and less likeable. Low self-esteem, highly contingent targets show the reverse pattern, although these findings do not reach statistical significance. Further analyses reveal that the interpersonal effects of ego threat were caused by threats in a specific domain of contingency (e.g., academics) rather than being a contingent person in general or having external or internal contingent self-worth. Implications for self-esteem and interpersonal processes are discussed.     

From the top down: Self-esteem and self-evaluation

The affective model of self-esteem development assumes that: (a) self-esteem forms early in life in response to relational and temperamental factors; and (b) once formed, endows high self-esteem people with the ability to promote, protect, and restore feelings of self-worth. In this article, we use the model to examine the relation between self-esteem and self-evaluations, showing that one way high self-esteem people maintain feelings of self-worth is by claiming to possess socially valued qualities. We conclude by considering the implications of the affective model for understanding the nature and functions of self-esteem.     

Level of self-esteem and contingencies of self-worth: unique effects on academic, social, and financial problems in college students

The unique effects of level of self-esteem and contingencies of self-worth assessed prior to college on academic, social, and financial problems experienced during the freshman year were examined in a longitudinal study of 642 college students. Low self-esteem predicted social problems, even controlling for demographic and personality variables (neuroticism, agreeableness, and social desirability), but did not predict academic or financial problems with other variables controlled. Academic competence contingency predicted academic and financial problems and appearance contingency predicted financial problems, even after controlling for relevant personality variables. We conclude that contingencies of self-worth uniquely contribute to academic and financial difficulties experienced by college freshmen beyond level of self-esteem and other personality variables. Low self-esteem, on the other hand, appears to uniquely contribute to later social difficulties.     

From vulnerability to resilience: learning orientations buffer contingent self-esteem from failure

An experiment examined the buffering effects of a learning orientation following failure in a domain of contingent self-worth. Participants' academic contingencies of self-worth (CSW) and priming with theories of intelligence interacted to affect vulnerability of self-esteem to failure. Participants who had high academic CSW and were primed with an entity theory of intelligence experienced lower self-esteem and higher negative affect following failure than following success on an academic test, but these effects were eliminated when participants with high academic CSW were primed with an incremental theory of intelligence. This study shows that endorsing a learning orientation is an effective way to minimize threat to self-esteem among students whose self-worth is highly contingent on academics and may allow them to persist in the face of challenges and to learn from failure.     

内隐自尊探析

作为内隐社会认知领域的一部分,内隐自尊是指人们在对与自我相关或自我分离的客体进行评价时的一种态度表现,而这种态度无法通过内省的方式被意识到。目前,内隐自尊的研究在方法采用间接测量的方式;在研究成果上主要集中于内隐自尊与外显自尊的对照性研究,内隐自尊的应用性研究两方面。本文拟就内隐自尊研究的缘起、研究方法、已有研究成果作尝试性探讨。     

The role of self-esteem in the experience of envy

It is the thesis of this paper that although analysts have always recognized that narcissistic injury may trigger envious feelings, the significance of self-esteem as both a motivator and response to envious feelings has not yet been sufficiently explored. Traditional drive-defense or object instinctual explanations tend to diminish awareness of the importance of self-esteem in the experience of envy. The focus on drives or repetition of early patterns of object relations does not always take into account the significance of the cycle in which damaged self-esteem leads to envy, the component parts of which may cause further damage to self-esteem, leading to more envy, and so on. I am suggesting that it is often an attempt to avoid painful injury to one's self-esteem, as well as the related attempt to maintain a positively colored sense of self, and not a repression of drives or a repetition of some aspect of early object relationships which must be understood in order to fully comprehend both feelings of envy and the need to keep such feelings out of conscious awareness.     

Attachment styles and contingencies of self-worth

Previous research on attachment theory has focused on mean differences in level of self-esteem among people with different attachment styles. The present study examines the associations between attachment styles and different bases of self-esteem, or contingencies of self-worth, among a sample of 795 college students. Results showed that attachment security was related to basing self-worth on family support. Both the preoccupied attachment style and fearful attachment style were related to basing self-worth on physical attractiveness. The dismissing attachment style was related to basing self-worth less on others' approval, family support, and God's love.     

Self-reflection and feelings of self-worth: When Rosenberg meets Heisenberg

The more people think about their attitude toward some issue, the stronger their attitude becomes. The present research examined whether this strengthening effect also applies to self-evaluative attitudes. In four studies, we had some participants complete a self-evaluation measure before rating their momentary feelings of self-worth (Studies 1, 2, and 4) or implicit self-feelings (Study 3). In all four studies, evaluative self-reflection led low self-esteem participants to feel worse about themselves and high self-esteem participants to feel better about themselves. We did not find this self-esteem polarization effect when more general emotions of happiness and sadness were measured (Study 2) or when participants reflected on non-evaluative aspects of themselves (Study 4). These findings suggest that evaluative self-reflection has different consequences for low self-esteem people than for high self-esteem people, and that order effects in personality research may represent actual changes in self-feelings rather than methodological confounds.