Are phonological representations of printed and spoken language isomorphic? Evidence from the restrictions on unattested onsets

Are the phonological representations of printed and spoken words isomorphic? This question is addressed by investigating the restrictions on onsets. Cross-linguistic research suggests that onsets of rising sonority are preferred to sonority plateaus, which, in turn, are preferred to sonority falls (e.g., bnif [symbol: see text] bdif [symbol: see text] lbif). Of interest is whether these grammatical preferences constrain the recognition of auditory and printed words by speakers of English--a language in which such onsets are unattested. Five experiments compare phonological lexical decision responses to nonwords, including unattested onsets, through either aural or visual presentation. Results suggest that both hearers and readers are sensitive to the phonotactics of unattested onsets. However, the phonotactic generalizations of hearers and readers differ on their scope and source. Hearers differentiated all three types of onsets (e.g., bnif, bdif, and lbif), and their behavior implicated both grammatical and statistical constraints. In contrast, readers were able to differentiate only those structures similar to attested English onsets from dissimilar structures (i.e., bnif vs. bdif or lbif), and their preferences reflected statistical knowledge alone. These findings suggest that the phonological representations informing lexical decision to spoken and printed words are not isomorphic.     

Rimes are not necessarily favored by prereaders: evidence from meta- and epilinguistic phonological tasks

This article explores young children's facility in phonological awareness tasks requiring either the detection or the articulation of head, coda, onset, and rime subsyllabic units shared in word pairs. Data are reported from 70 nonreading children and 21 precocious readers attending preschools. Prereading children were able to articulate shared heads, codas, and onsets, although rimes rarely were articulated. Precocious readers were able to articulate shared rimes, but articulation performance was still most accurate for onsets and codas. Rimes and heads were equally accessible in the detection task and were identified more often than onsets and codas (nonreaders) and codas (readers). It is concluded that the articulation advantage for nonrime units cannot simply reflect early reading instruction. This disjoint pattern of phonological awareness in detection and production tasks does not support Goswami's phonological status hypothesis. Results may instead reflect quite distinct influences on epilinguistic and metalinguistic phonological development.     

Structural constraints in the perception of English stop-sonorant clusters

Native-language phonemes combined in a non-native way can be misperceived so as to conform to native phonotactics, e.g. English listeners are biased to hear syllable-initial [tr] rather than the illegal [tl] (Perception and Psychophysics 34 (1983) 338; Perception and Psychophysics 60 (1998) 941). What sort of linguistic knowledge causes phonotactic perceptual bias? Two classes of models were compared: unit models, which attribute bias to the listener's differing experience of each cluster (such as their different frequencies), and structure models, which use abstract phonological generalizations (such as a ban on [coronal][coronal] sequences). Listeners (N=16 in each experiment) judged synthetic 6 x 6 arrays of stop-sonorant clusters in which both consonants were ambiguous. The effect of the stop judgment on the log odds ratio of the sonorant judgment was assessed separately for each stimulus token to provide a stimulus-independent measure of bias. Experiment 1 compared perceptual bias against the onsets [bw] and [dl], which violate different structural constraints but are both of zero frequency. Experiment 2 compared bias against [dl] in CCV and VCCV contexts, to investigate the interaction of syllabification with segmentism and to rule out a compensation-for-coarticulation account of Experiment 1. Results of both experiments favor the structure models (supported by NSF).     

PhonItalia: a phonological lexicon for Italian

In this article, we present the first open-access lexical database that provides phonological representations for 120,000 Italian word forms. Each of these also includes syllable boundaries and stress markings and a comprehensive range of lexical statistics. Using data derived from this lexicon, we have also generated a set of derived databases and provided estimates of positional frequency use for Italian phonemes, syllables, syllable onsets and codas, and character and phoneme bigrams. These databases are freely available from phonitalia.org. This article describes the methods, content, and summarizing statistics for these databases. In a first application of this database, we also demonstrate how the distribution of phonological substitution errors made by Italian aphasic patients is related to phoneme frequency.     

A challenge to current models of past tense inflection: the impact of phonotactics

Is past tense production better modelled by a Single Mechanism or a Words and Rules model? We present data concerning a phenomenon that has not been considered by either model-regular past tense verbs with contrasting phonotactics. One set of verbs contains clusters at the inflected verb end that also occur in monomorphemic words ('monomorphemically legal clusters', MLC) whereas the other has clusters that can only occur in inflected forms ('monomorphemically illegal clusters', MIC). We argue that if children apply a morphological rule, phonotactics will not affect performance. Conversely, if children store past tense forms, they will perform better on verbs with MLCs because these clusters are more frequent. We investigated three populations--typically developing children, Grammatical-SLI (G-SLI) and Williams Syndrome (WS)--using past tense elicitation tasks. In Experiment 1 we reanalyse data from van der Lely and Ullman [van der Lely, H. K. J. & Ullman, M. (2001). Past tense morphology in specifically language impaired and normally developing children. Language and Cognitive Processes, 16: 177-217] and show that G-SLI children perform better on MLC verbs, whereas for typically developing children phonotactics do not affect performance. In Experiment 2 we replicate these findings in new groups of G-SLI and typically developing children. In Experiment 3 we reanalyse data from Thomas et al. [Thomas, M. S. C., Grant, J., Barham, Z., Gsodl, M., Laing, E., Lakusta, L., Tyler, L.K., Grice, S., Paterson, S. & Karmiloff-Smith, A. (2001) Past tense formation in Williams Syndrome. Language and Cognitive Processes, 16: 143-176] and show that phonotactics do not affect performance in individuals with WS. We argue that the results elucidate the underlying nature of morphology in these populations, and are better accommodated within a Words and Rules model of past tense acquisition.     

What Speech Errors Can Tell Us About Word-Form Generation: The Roles of Constraint and Opportunity

The likelihood of occurrence of a speech error is influenced by constraints imposed on the word-form generation process as well as by characteristics of the words in the utterance. In three tongue twister experiments I investigated these roles of constraint and opportunity. In Experiments 1 and 2 word onsets were more likely to interact with each other in a speech error than with phonemes in other positions. However, phonemes in word-internal positions were less likely to interact with each other than with word onsets. These results indicate that word onsets are particularly error-prone and therefore often interact with each other, but are also very likely to engage in interactions with phonemes in other positions if the elicitation technique encourages these interactions. The fatal experiment aimed to create speech errors in which consonants and vowels interacted. These errors are rarely reported in the literature but were successfully generated in this experiment. The implications for a model of word-form generation are discussed.     

Sensitivity to sub-syllabic constituents in brain-damaged patients: evidence from word games

Two experiments were conducted to examine whether left- (LHD) and right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD) patients exhibit sensitivity to sub-syllabic constituents (i.e., onsets and codas) in the generation of nonwords, using a word games paradigm adapted from. Four groups of individuals (including LHD fluent and nonfluent aphasic patients, RHD patients and normal controls) were trained to add syllables to monosyllabic CVC nonwords either after the initial consonant (Experiment 1) or prior to the final consonant (Experiment 2) to create bisyllabic nonwords. Experimental stimuli consisting of CCVC or CVCC nonwords tested whether participants would preserve or split the onset and coda constituents in producing the novel bisyllabic nonwords. Results revealed that the majority of subjects demonstrated sensitivity to the sub-syllabic constituents, preserving the onsets and codas. The fluent aphasic patients exhibited a greater than normal tendency to split the onset and coda constituents; however, the small number of individuals in that group whose data met inclusion criteria limits the conclusions that may be drawn from these findings. The results are discussed in relation to theories of phonological deficits in aphasia.     

Phonotactic cues for segmentation of fluent speech by infants

There is growing evidence that infants become sensitive to the probabilistic phonotactics of their ambient language sometime during the second half of their first year. The present study investigates whether 9-month-olds make use of phonotactic cues to segment words from fluent speech. Using the Headturn Preference Procedure, we found that infants listened to a CVC stimulus longer when the stimulus previously appeared in a sentential context with good phonotactic cues than when it appeared in one without such cues. The goodness of the phonotactic cues was estimated from the frequency with which the C.C clusters at the onset and offset of a CVC test stimulus (i.e. C.CVC.C) are found within and between words in child-directed speech, with high between-word probability associated with good cues to word boundaries. A similar segmentation result emerged when good phonotactic cues occurred only at the onset (i.e. C.CVC.C) or the offset (i.e. C.CVC.C) of the target words in the utterances. Together, the results suggest that 9-month-olds use probabilistic phonotactics to segment speech into words and that high-probability between-word clusters are interpreted as both word onsets and word offsets.     

A crosslinguistic study of grammaticality judgments in Broca's aphasia

Crosslinguistic studies of sentence comprehension and production in Broca's aphasia have yielded two complementary findings: (1) grammatical morphology appears to be more impaired than word order principles in every language studied, but (2) the degree to which grammatical morphology is retained by aphasic patients depends upon the "strength" or importance of those morphemes in the patient's premorbid language. In an earlier study comparing violations of word order and agreement, we found that English-speaking Broca's aphasics showed greater sensitivity to errors of ordering than to errors of agreement, providing further evidence for the selective vulnerability of morphology. However, because English is a rigid word order language with a relatively weak inflectional system, it could be argued that word order is resilient to brain damage because it is the strongest source of information in this language. The present study compared the performance of English-speaking Broca's aphasics and normal controls with their Italian counterparts in the same grammaticality judgment experiment. Four predictions relating to our previous work were confirmed. (1) Italian aphasics, like their English-speaking counterparts, showed general preservation of grammatical knowledge and (2) they were able to use this knowledge in an "on-line" fashion. (3) Within each language, Broca's aphasics showed greater impairment in their ability to recognize errors of morphological selection (i.e., agreement) compared with errors made by moving the same words to an incorrect position downstream. Nevertheless (4), crosslinguistic differences observed in previous studies of comprehension and production were also observed in this grammaticality judgment task: a processing advantage for agreement errors in Italian normals and aphasics, and a processing advantage for ordering errors in English normals and aphasics.     

Production constraints on learning novel onset phonotactics

Three experiments addressed the hypothesis that production factors constrain phonotactic learning in adult English speakers, and that this constraint gives rise to a markedness effect on learning. In Experiment 1, an acoustic measure was used to assess consonant–consonant coarticulation in naturally produced nonwords, which were then used as stimuli in a phonotactic learning experiment. Results indicated that sonority-rising sequences were more coarticulated than -plateauing sequences, and that listeners learned novel-rising onsets more readily than novel-plateauing onsets. Experiments 2 and 3 addressed the specific questions of whether (1) the acoustic correlates of coarticulation or (2) the coarticulatory patterns of self-productions constrained learning. In Experiment 2, stimuli acoustics were altered to control for coarticulatory differences between sequence type, but a clear markedness effect was still observed. In Experiment 3, listeners’ self-productions were gathered and used to predict their treatment of novel-rising and -plateauing sequences. Results were that listeners’ coarticulatory patterns predicted their treatment of novel sequences. Overall, the findings suggest that the powerful effects of statistical learning are moderated by the perception–production loop in language.     

Perceptual normalization for speaking rate: Effects of temporal distance

A series of studies was undertaken to examine how rate normalization in speech perception would be influenced by the similarity, duration, and phonotactics of phonemes that were adjacent or distal from the initial, target phoneme. The duration of the adjacent (following) phoneme always had an effect on perception of the initial target. Neither phonotactics nor acoustic similarity seemed to have any influence on this rate normalization effect. However, effects of the duration of the nonadjacent (distal) phoneme were only found when that phoneme was temporally close to the target. These results suggest that there is a temporal window over which rate normalization occurs. In most cases, only the adjacent phoneme or adjacent two phonemes will fall within this window and thus influence perception of a phoneme distinction.     

The role of phonology in a letter detection task

In two experiments, we investigated whether onsets and rimes have a role in the processing of written English. In both experiments, participants detected letter targets (e.g., t) in nonwords like vult faster than in nonwords like vust. This finding is consistent with Selkirk's (1982) view that sonorants (e.g., the /l/ of vult) cohere with preceding short vowels and are part of the vowel nucleus. In contrast, the /t/ of vust is part of the syllable's coda st and so is harder to isolate. Experiment 2 demonstrated that the time required for one to detect single-member codas following vowel digraphs (e.g., the t in veet) was similar to the time to detect the same target letter following a postvocalic sonorant (e.g., the t in vult). No evidence was found for onsets. The results provide support for a phonological organization among letters of printed rimes.     

Testing the limits of long-distance learning: learning beyond a three-segment window

Traditional flat-structured bigram and trigram models of phonotactics are useful because they capture a large number of facts about phonological processes. Additionally, these models predict that local interactions should be easier to learn than long-distance ones because long-distance dependencies are difficult to capture with these models. Long-distance phonotactic patterns have been observed by linguists in many languages, who have proposed different kinds of models, including feature-based bigram and trigram models, as well as precedence models. Contrary to flat-structured bigram and trigram models, these alternatives capture unbounded dependencies because at an abstract level of representation, the relevant elements are locally dependent, even if they are not adjacent at the observable level. Using an artificial grammar learning paradigm, we provide additional support for these alternative models of phonotactics. Participants in two experiments were exposed to a long-distance consonant-harmony pattern in which the first consonant of a five-syllable word was [s] or [∫] ("sh") and triggered a suffix that was either [-su] or [-∫u] depending on the sibilant quality of this first consonant. Participants learned this pattern, despite the large distance between the trigger and the target, suggesting that when participants learn long-distance phonological patterns, that pattern is learned without specific reference to distance.     

Subject-verb agreement errors in written productions: A study of French children and adults

This experiment was designed to simulate the conditions for subject-verb agreement errors, which are rarely but regularly observed in highly educated adults. Twenty-four adults and 24 children (12 years old) were orally presented with sentences to write. The sentences were in the French past indicative (the imperfect tense) and were of two types, asfollows: Noun 1 [subject of the verb]+Verb 1+Noun 2 [object of the verb] and(Adverbial phrase)+Pronoun 1+Pronoun 2+Verb 2+ (adverbial phrase). The adverbial phrase appeared either at the beginning or the end of the sentence. The conditions were the following: Noun 1 (and Pronoun 1) and Noun 2 (and Pronoun 2) were either matched or mismatched in number, and the sentences were either followed or not by a series of five words to be memorized. Most adults made errors when the two pronouns differed in number. But, in contrast to the results of studies using the present indicative, the extra cognitive load (the word series) did not lead to more errors. The children also made errors when the two pronouns differed, and did so whatever the cognitive load. The position of the adverbial phrase did not influence the error ratio. With the imperfect tense, it seems that making the verb number agree with its subject cannot be considered as a cognitively automatic and effortless activity, even for adults.     

Pattern induction by infant language learners

How do infants learn the sound patterns of their native language? By the end of the 1st year, infants have acquired detailed aspects of the phonology and phonotactics of their input language. However, the structure of the learning mechanisms underlying this process is largely unknown. In this study, 9-month-old infants were given the opportunity to induce specific phonological patterns in 3 experiments in which syllable structure, consonant voicing position, and segmental position were manipulated. Infants were then familiarized with fluent speech containing words that either fit or violated these patterns. Subsequent testing revealed that infants rapidly extracted new phonological regularities and that this process was constrained such that some regularities were easier to acquire than others.     

Abrupt onsets cannot be ignored

Participants identified target letters at cued locations in the presence of occasional abrupt onsets of new distractor letters. The onsets distracted the participants and impaired their letter identification performance despite confirmation that they were using the information provided by the cue. This result contrasts with earlier results found by other researchers that revealed an ability of participants to ignore abrupt onsets in some cases. Our results, however, were obtained under conditions that prevented anticipatory eye movements to the target. In a subsequent experiment when participants were permitted to look at the target in advance, the distracting effect of the onsets was eliminated, suggesting that participants may have looked at the target in the earlier studies. We conclude that abrupt onsets cannot be ignored unless the target element receives a substantial advantage via fixation.     

Revisiting Fluctuations in L2 Article Choice in L1-Korean L2-English Learners

The current study investigated the distinction of L2 (second language) English article choice sensitivity in fifty-three L1-Korean L2-English learners in semantic contexts. In the context of English as a foreign language, the participants were divided into two groups based on grammatical ability as determined by their performance on a cloze test. In addition, a forced-choice elicitation test and a writing production test were administered to assess, respectively, the participants’ receptive and productive article choice abilities. Regardless of grammatical ability, the results disclosed the overuse of the indefinite a in the [\(+\)definite, ?specific] context and the definite the in the [?definite, \(+\)specific] context on the forced-choice elicitation test. In the [\(+\)definite, \(+\)specific] and [?definite, ?specific] contexts, however, the overuse of either the indefinite a or the definite the, respectively, was less likely. Furthermore, it was revealed on the writing test that the participants more accurately used the definite the than the indefinite a, and they were also found to unreasonably omit more articles than to add or substitute articles on the writing production test. The findings across the two tests indicate that L1-Korean L2-English learners are more likely to have intrinsic difficulties transferring their L1 noun phrase (NP) knowledge to L2 NP knowledge owing to structural discrepancies and complex interfaces between L1 NPs and L2 NPs with respect to syntactic, semantic and pragmatic/discourse language subsystems.     

A misleading review of response bias: comment on McGrath, Mitchell, Kim, and Hough (2010)

In the May 2010 issue of Psychological Bulletin, R. E. McGrath, M. Mitchell, B. H. Kim, and L. Hough published an article entitled "Evidence for Response Bias as a Source of Error Variance in Applied Assessment" (pp. 450-470). They argued that response bias indicators used in a variety of settings typically have insufficient data to support such use in everyday clinical practice. Furthermore, they claimed that despite 100 years of research into the use of response bias indicators, "a sufficient justification for [their] use… in applied settings remains elusive" (p. 450). We disagree with McGrath et al.'s conclusions. In fact, we assert that the relevant and voluminous literature that has addressed the issues of response bias substantiates validity of these indicators. In addition, we believe that response bias measures should be used in clinical and research settings on a regular basis. Finally, the empirical evidence for the use of response bias measures is strongest in clinical neuropsychology. We argue that McGrath et al.'s erroneous perspective on response bias measures is a result of 3 errors in their research methodology: (a) inclusion criteria for relevant studies that are too narrow; (b) errors in interpreting results of the empirical research they did include; (c) evidence of a confirmatory bias in selectively citing the literature, as evidence of moderation appears to have been overlooked. Finally, their acknowledging experts in the field who might have highlighted these errors prior to publication may have prevented critiques during the review process.