Was It Rape? The Function of Women's Rape Myth Acceptance and Definitions of Sex in Labeling Their Own Experiences

Sex Roles - In a phenomenon called unacknowledged rape, many rape victims do not label their experience “rape.” Does their level of rape myth acceptance influence this labeling process?...     

SEXUAL ASSAULT VICTIMS' ACKNOWLEDGMENT STATUS AND REVICTIMIZATION RISK

How a victim of rape characterizes her assault has potential implications for her postassault experiences and revictimization risk. Prior research has identified several potential benefits to not conceptualizing one's experience as a form of victimization. The current study sought to identify whether there are costs to not acknowledging rape as well, specifically whether unacknowledged victims are at elevated risk of revictimization. The revictimization risk behaviors of 334 acknowledged and unacknowledged female college rape victims were compared. Unacknowledged victims reported more hazardous alcohol use and were more likely to report that they continued a relationship with the assailant after the assault. A subsample of 105 victims completed a 6-month follow-up survey regarding sexual victimization during the follow-up period. Unacknowledged victims were nearly twice as likely to report having experienced an attempted rape during the 6-month follow-up period. Implications of the results for future work evaluating rape acknowledgment, rape recovery, and revictimization are discussed.     

STRANGER AND ACQUAINTANCE RAPE

Most published research on the victim–offender relationship has been based on small samples that consisted mainly of women who were raped by nonintimate and nonromantic acquaintances, who viewed their experience as rape, and/or who were seeking treatment. In the present study, 489 rape victims were located among a national sample of 3,187 female college students by a self-report survey that avoided reliance on help-seekers. Two sets of comparisons were performed. First, the experiences reported by victims of stranger rape ( n = 52) were compared with those of victims of acquaintance rape ( n = 416). Then, the experiences of women assaulted by different types of acquaintances were compared including nonromantic acquaintances ( n = 122), casual dates ( n = 103), steady dates ( n = 147), and spouses or other family members ( n = 44). Rapes by acquaintances, compared with strangers, were more likely to involve a single offender and multiple episodes, were less likely to be seen as rape or to be revealed to anyone, and were similar in terms of the victim's resistance. In general, acquaintance rapes were rated as less violent than stranger rapes. The exception was rapes by husbands or other family members which were rated equally violent to stranger rapes but were much less likely to occur in a context of drinking or other drug use. In spite of these different crime characteristics, virtually no differences were found among any of the groups in their levels of psychological symptoms. A significant feature of these data is that they have tapped the experiences of unreported and unacknowledged rape victims, a group that is potentially much larger than the group of identified victims.     

Rape and physical attractiveness: judgments concerning likelihood of victimization

Subjects in two studies were shown portraits of 32 young women who varied widely in physical attractiveness. Subjects were told that half of these women had been victims of a crime and half had not. Their job was to sort the portraits correctly into those two categories. In both studies, attractive women were more often categorized as victims of rape. In Study 2, attractive women were not more likely to be categorized as having been beaten and robbed. Correlation analyses showed that the association between physical attractiveness and presumed criminal victimization was significantly higher for rape than for being beaten and robbed.     

THE HIDDEN RAPE VICTIM: PERSONALITY, ATTITUDINAL, AND SITUATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS

A hidden rape victim is one who has never reported her experience to a rape crisis center or to police. It has been estimated that only 10–50% of the rapes that actually occur are ever reported to authorities. Since most previous rape studies have selected samples from official sources, hidden victims have been overlooked. The goals of the present study were to describe the victimization experienced by hidden victims and to determine whether any psychological variables were related to victimization status. The psychological variables examined included personality, attitudinal, and situational characteristics relevant to the three major models of rape victimization: social control, victim precipitation, and situational blame. Subjects were 82 not sexually victimized, 37 low sexually victimized, 50 moderately victimized, and 62 highly sexually victimized women. Subjects completed questionnaires and participated in a one-to-one standardized interview. Data were analyzed via multivariate analysis of variance. Personality variables and attitudes did not differentiate the groups of women, while numerous situational variables did. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed.     

ACQUAINTANCE RAPE: EFFECTIVE AVOIDANCE STRATEGIES

To date, research on effective rape avoidance strategies has involved media-recruited, acknowledged rape victims and avoiders, most of whom were assaulted by total strangers. In the present study, rape avoidance research was extended to a sample of acquaintance rape victims and avoiders who were located by a self-report survey that identified women who both do and do not conceptualize their assaults as rape. The study's goal was to determine whether acknowledged rape victims, unacknowledged rape victims, and rape avoiders could be discriminated by situational variables including the response strategies used in the assault. Victims and avoiders were significantly discriminated. Compared to rape victims, avoiders (1) were less likely to have experienced passive or internalizing emotions at the time of the assault, (2) perceived the assault as less violent, and (3) were more likely to have utilized active response strategies (i.e., running away and screaming). The results suggest that the major findings of existing research on stranger rape avoidance are generalizable to acquaintance rape. However, concerns are expressed over methodological limitations of research on rape avoidance from the victim's perspective.     

The Impact of Contemplated Exposure to a Survivor of Rape on Attitudes toward Rape1

Male and female college students were asked to rate the truth of myths about rape either before or after contemplating how they would react if a close friend or relative told them she had been raped. It was expected that such contemplation would decrease endorsement of rape myths, by increasing sympathy for victims and reducing the tendency to blame victims for sexual assault. Typically, studies have found that women are less accepting of rape myths and more sympathetic to rape victims than men. A reason for this may be that women have thought about rape more and are more likely to have experienced sexual assault or to be acquainted with a survivor. Based on the above findings, it was hypothesized that contemplating exposure to a rape survivor would be particularly beneficial to men's attitudes. Results contradicted the hypothesis and showed that contemplating exposure increased rejection of rape myths for women but slightly increased men's endorsements. In contrast, men and women who were actually acquainted with a rape survivor rejected rape myths more strongly than those who did not claim acquaintance.     

Social reactions to depictions of casual and steady acquaintance rape: The impact of AIDS exposure and stereotypic beliefs about women

While much of the early research on the social perception of sexual assault focused on instances of stranger rape, recent work has indicated that acquaintance rape occurs much more frequently. The purpose of the present investigation was to examine a gender role socialization analysis of acquaintance rape. The subjects in the present investigation, predominately Caucasian-American females (i.e., over 90% were nonminority), were first preclassified as either traditional or nontraditional in their gender role views about women. We then examined their perception of rape victims and rape perpetrators as a function of whether the rape occurred between casual dating partners vs. long-term steady daters, and also as a function of whether the assailant exposed the rape victim to the disease AIDS (vs. no exposure to AIDS). The results indicated that individuals who varied in their stereotypic views about women differed in their reactions, with more traditional subjects being more likely to negatively evaluate the rape victim and less likely to evaluate the rapist in an unfavorable manner. In addition, it was found that when rape victims were exposed to AIDS, the social perceptions of others were strongly influenced, with casual-dating rape acquaintances being more likely to bear the onus of a negative reaction from others.     

A review of marital rape

The current paper represents a comprehensive review of marital rape, including its legal history and numerous aspects of its perpetration and victimization. Specifically, this review focuses on theories and forms of marital rape, the scope of the problem, risk factors, resistance strategies, and marital rape's psychological and physical effects, and help-seeking behaviors and interventions for victims. Historically, marital rape has not been recognized as a criminal act; only recently has marital rape become illegal in all 50 states. Marital rape is a serious societal issue that is experienced by 10% to 14% of all married women and 40% to 50% of battered women. Marriages in which marital rape occurs have significantly higher rates of non-sexual violence and marital dissatisfaction, as well as lower ratings of marital quality. Victims who resist marital rape often employ verbal means of resistance. However, most of marital rape victims are either unable or afraid to resist sexual aggression by their husbands. Victims of marital rape experience significant levels of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, gynecological problems, and negative physical health symptoms. Victims of marital rape seek help from a variety of different resources. Seeking help from social service agencies and the law appears to be the most effective behaviors for ending marital rape. Stress inoculation therapy and cognitive processing therapy are promising treatments for victims of marital rape. The literature on marital rape is characterized by considerable methodological problems, and further research is needed to gain a better understanding of this problem.     

Beyond Rape Myths: A More Complex View of Perceptions of Rape Victims

This research examined personal beliefs and perceptions of cultural stereotypes surrounding rape victims. Students (ages 18–21) at a primarily Caucasian University listed either their personal beliefs or their perceptions of cultural stereotypes surrounding rape victims and rated a specific rape victim either according to their personal beliefs or their perceptions of cultural stereotypes. Personal beliefs about rape victims tended to focus more on perceptions of victim reactions to the rape (e.g., depression, anxiety, etc.) rather than on rape myths (e.g., she asked for it, was promiscuous, etc.). Perceptions of cultural stereotypes, however, comprised rape myths rather than the victim's reactions to rape. We propose that perceptions of rape victims are more multifaceted than has previously been suggested.     

Provision of antiretroviral prophylaxis to child rape victims in South Africa: HIV status and delayed reporting

In a sample of 780 South African child victims of rape (girls under the age of 18 years; age M= 10.5 yr., SD=4.8), 10% did not qualify for antiretroviral prophylaxis because HIV status at presentation was positive and a further 34.1% did not qualify because the rape was reported more than 72 hours after the alleged offense. Regression analyses indicated that child rape victims who reported that they had been sexually active prior to the rape constitute a particularly high risk group for HIV infection and suggest primary and secondary prevention programs should be designed to decrease sexual activity among children and to encourage more immediate reporting of rape among younger children, children who are not sexually active, and children who are incestuously abused.     

Perceptions of single and multiple incident rape

This investigation focused on impressions of single and multiple incident rape victims. College as well as non-college male and female samples reported their perceptions of a rape victim who was raped for the first time or who experienced a prior rape 1, 3, or 8 years previously. Half of the fictional victims with prior rape histories were described as having reported and half as not having reported the earlier incident. No differences in perceptions were related to initial or repeat victimization. Attempts to ward off realization of vulnerability to victimization were offered as explanations for differences in male and female observers' perceptions. College and non-college sample differences in observers' perceptions were discussed in terms of differences in living experience. Caution seems warranted in estimating the general public's perceptions of rape victims from assessments based on college student samples.This investigation was supported by a grant from the University of North Texas Organized Faculty Research Fund. Special thanks are extended to the Legal Services Department of the Dallas/Ft. Worth International Airport for their assistance and to Jack Haynes for assistance in the data analysis.     

A further examination of validity for the sexual experiences survey

The Sexual Experiences Survey (SES) is designed to identify victims of sexual assault, including ones whose experiences meet the Ohio legal definitions (Ohio Revised Code, 1980) for rape or attempted rape (Koss, Gidycz, and Wisniewski, 1987). Ratings from 156 Ohio prosecuting attorneys indicate that three of the five items used to identify victims of rape or attempted rape as a result of actual or threatened force are commensurate with the sex offense statutes for these acts, while the two questions describing attempted and completed rape experiences involving the use of drugs and alcohol are not. The ratings could not be accounted for by demographic, work experience, or rape myth acceptance variables. Two additional items not intended to measure specific code violations were found to describe felony sex offenses. The implications of the current findings for identifying sexual assault victims are discussed.     

Attribution of blame in rape cases: A review of the impact of rape myth acceptance,gender role conformity and substance use on victim blaming

This article reviews research literature examining the effects of key factors that influence individual's attitudes towards victims of rape. The impact of rape myths, gender roles and substance use on attributions of blame in cases of rape are discussed. The phenomenon of victim-blaming within such cases is explored with reference to the attribution theory to help explain why rape victims are sometimes seen as deserving of their misfortune. Findings indicate that men demonstrate higher rape myth acceptance than women and attribute higher levels of blame to victims than women; women who violate traditional gender roles are attributed more blame than those women who do not; and women who consume alcohol prior to their attack are attributed higher levels of blame than those who are not intoxicated. The findings are discussed with reference to the implications for the Criminal Justice System and future interventions for both victims and perpetrators of rape.     

Blame attribution in sexual victimization

The current study explored how victims and third-parties attribute blame and perpetrator motivation for actual sexual victimization experiences. Although we do not assert that victims are responsible for perpetrators’ behavior, we found that some victims do not allocate all blame to their perpetrator. We sought to examine how victims and third-parties allocate blame in instances of actual completed and attempted sexual victimization and how they perceived perpetrator motivations. Victims of completed rape (n = 49) and attempted sexual assault (n = 91), and third-parties who knew a victim of sexual assault (n = 152) allocated blame across multiple targets: perpetrator, self/victim, friends, family, and the situation. Participants also described their perceptions of perpetrator’s motivation for the sexual assault. Victims tended to assign more blame to themselves than third-parties assigned to victims. Furthermore, victims perceived perpetrators as being more sexually-motivated than third-parties did, who viewed perpetrators as more power-motivated. Results suggest that perceptions of rape and sexual assault significantly differ between victims and third-party individuals who have never directly experienced such a trauma.