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道德耻感的基本样态分析 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
道德耻感的内容丰富多彩,并通过多种多样的羞耻心理体验形式表现出来.其基本样态包括:自然耻感和道德耻感、自律性耻感和他律性耻感、先耻感和后耻感、个体耻感和群体耻感、德耻感和才耻感,等等. 相似文献
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孔子道德哲学体系中的耻感具有他律与自律相统一的道德品性.当耻感与"礼"相联系时,它注重的是社会的道德评价,以个人与他人的关系为条件,具体表现为道德他律;当耻感与"仁"相关照时,它注重的是主体的道德自觉,以自我行为与道德要求的关系为条件,具体表现为道德自律.在进行社会主义荣辱观教育的过程中,解读孔子自律与他律相统一的耻感品性,对于人们按照社会主导价值观自觉地趋荣避耻具有重要的启迪意义. 相似文献
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以羞感文化与罪感文化的区别来推定重视"面子"的中国道德观缺乏自律,其实是不恰当的。因为中国道德观赖以为基础的"羞恶之心"其实是耻感,而耻感是羞感和罪感的双重迭加。以儒学为旨,可知耻感即是羞恶之心,它出于恻隐之心,并可明确其萌发历程为:由不忍→将他者投射到自我心象→意识到对他者负有伦理责任。由于耻感非羞感,故以西方思想论羞感来理解羞恶之心,也就难以说明羞恶之心是道德本体,以及为仁与义的结合。最后,透过王船山的释义可以发现,耻感的扩充历程,即是孟子所言的"养气"。 相似文献
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羞耻感是道德的根本,是主体性道德人格的内核.在伦理学意义上,知荣明耻是"成为一个人"和"尊敬他人为人"的根据和基础.耻感教育的根本目的在于,使人"成为一个人并尊敬他人为人". 相似文献
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实证研究从羞耻产物的性质出发,得出了相互抵牾的结论,其缺乏足够解释力的有限性难以为羞耻的道德地位正名。哲学思辨路径通过回应羞耻“触发事件的消极性”和“自律性的消弭”两大质疑来阐明羞耻的道德身份。羞耻是内在的美德原型和外在的交往中介,前者以否定性的方式把握着善,驱使着主体践行责任,弥补善的鸿沟,从美德原型处培育各式美德;后者以肯定性的方式促发社会交往,督促主体反思自我以及他者的态度,进而自由地得出某个真正合乎道德的观念。 相似文献
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道德容忍度指对不道德的行为或具有道德指涉性的不同言行的受纳程度和度量方式,它以良知为主体前提,以至诚为本体方法,以权责对等为规范方式,以公正和自由为价值导向。从分类学看,道德容忍度分守德型和无德型两类,前者呈现为零容忍和完全容忍两种方式;后者展开为放纵性、收敛性和否定性三种容忍方式。激励道德容忍度生成的共同心理动力是私利冲动,但其运作的心理机制却存在类型学的区别:权责意识、"不忍"情感和柔热心的整合运作,推动守德型道德容忍度发挥生活情境功能;而无责意识、"能忍"情感和硬冷心,却整合构建起无德型道德容忍度运作的心理机制。 相似文献
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This article proposes a four-layer semantic structure for common nouns. Each layer matches up with a semantic entity of a
certain type in Montague’s intensional semantics. It is argued that a common noun denotes a sense and a concept, which are
functions. For any given context, the sense of a term determines its extensions and the concept denoted by the term specifies
its intensions. Intensions are treated as sets of senses. The membership relation between a sense and an intension is a soft
kind and is expressed in the form of a generic sentence. Such a layered structure explains various “degrees of publicity”
of a language. The result we present clarifies the confusions existing in the ordinary understanding of “sense,” “intension,”
and “concept.” It also has promising applications in interpreting metaphors and revealing the relationship between generics
and metaphors. 相似文献
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社会风气·荣辱观·羞耻感 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
改善社会风气是树立社会主义荣辱观的目标。愈益泛滥的不良社会风气表明,荣耻不辨,耻感消解已成群体性的现象,出现了一种“去羞耻化”(实质是“去道德化”)倾向。“耻不从枉”,知耻而后正;要树立正确的荣辱观,关键在于“知耻”、“有耻”,在于要激发和培育“耻感”。耻感或羞耻心是人之为人的底线,是人格的基本点,人有耻感,是保持做人尊严的自因。因此,在提高物质生活水平的前提下,尊重和保障公民的基本权利,尊重人格,保护和激发全体社会成员的耻感,培育公民的自尊心,是树立社会主义荣辱观,从而促进良好社会风气的形成和发展的必要条件。 相似文献
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自从胡锦涛总书记提出社会主义荣辱观的基本内涵以后,学者们基于我国传统道德传统和现实问题,展开了多方面的研究。社会主义荣辱观的提出具有重大的历史意义,它为公民道德建设提供了价值选择的方向指导,对科学发展观的实施具有推动作用,是构建社会主义和谐社会必要条件和精神方向。社会主义荣辱观是对传统荣辱观念的继承和超越,是对社会主义道德原则规范的丰富和拓展,是对革命传统道德的继承和发扬,同时也是与市场经济的价值取向有着内在一致。社会主义荣辱观具有程度极高的普遍性和可实施特点,认真探讨社会主义核心价值观念和社会主义荣辱观之间的关系,努力为社会主义现代化建设提供可行的价值支撑,应该是理论研究所追求的重要目标。 相似文献
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Robert Burden 《Counselling psychology quarterly》1991,4(4):331-343
A need is identified for a theoretical model to help make sense of conflicting reports on appropriate intervention in the lives of parents of handicapped children. Crisis theory offers a useful way forward, particularly when incorporated into the concept of psycho-social transitions. This concept is used to construct a model in which various negative parental emotions are viewed as entirely natural, but which may reflect diferent kinds of transition and therefore require different forms of intervention. It is postulated that appropriate forms of help to meet specific transitional needs will be most likely to lead to positive crisis resolution and adjustment to the reality of the child's handicapping condition. Preliminary findings of a study are reported, which employs the model as a means of evaluating the satisfied and unmet needs of three groups of mothers of handicapped children of similar ages. Although living in the same geographical area, each group had received a different kind of service for themselves and their children. The psycho-social transitions model proved useful in discriminating between theresolved and unresolved problems of each group and in identifying potentially helpful ways forward. 相似文献
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Alfred Schramm 《Philosophical Studies》2012,161(1):109-117
Lehrer Semantics, as it was devised by Adrienne and Keith Lehrer, is imbedded in a comprehensive web of thought and observations of language use and development, communication, and social interaction, all these as empirical phenomena. Rather than for a theory, I take it for a ??model?? of the kind which gives us guidance in how to organize linguistic and language-related phenomena. My comments on it are restricted to three aspects: In 2 I deal with the question of how Lehrerian sense can be empirically distinguished from Lehrerian reference as a precondition for the claim that sense relationships are in general more stable than reference relations. It seems that this very claim must already be presupposed for doing the respective empirical investigation. But in 3, I argue for the option to interpret the Lehrers?? concept of sense resp. sense vectors as intension concepts, by which move one may gain a generalized concept, so-to-say ??graded analyticity??, containing Carnapian strict analyticity for language systems as the extreme case of sense vectors with maximum value. Such graded sense may also be empirically investigated in the case of normal languages. In 4, I plead for my view that what the Lehrers take for communal languages are really collections of family-resembling idiolects of individual speakers and hypotheses of individual speakers about the idiolects of their fellow speakers. This move should free us from the fiction of, and sterile discussions about, the ??true?? meanings of words, but nevertheless keep normal language communication possible. As a concluding remark I propose in 5 to have both: normal languages from an empirical point of view, and codified languages from a logical reconstructionist one. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTIn this study, we draw on the concept of respectable deviance to understand the journey into deviance – from her rise as an alternative health expert through to her public disgrace – of Belle Gibson, a young Australian blogger, app publisher, and alternative medicine advocate who falsely claimed to have cured cancer without reverting to science-based medicine. Through the rigorous analysis of a series of media and documentary sources where Ms Gibson provided autobiographical accounts of her life experience, the argument is presented that the promotion of one’s self as a health expert and subsequently being outed as a fraudster encourages techniques of neutralization and particular presentations of self to respond and manage negative labeling and the stigma attached. 相似文献
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《周易》中包含着丰富的知荣明耻患想。《周易》的荣辱观建立在天人合一的思想基础、等级宗法的社会基础、救世治乱的现实需求上。《周易》中的君子、小人分别是荣与辱的主体。《易经》的吉、凶、悔、吝、咎、亨、利、贞等断语体现了荣与辱的价值取向。《周易》荣辱思想主要表现为:以尚中时行为荣,以不节失恒为耻;以爱民德政为荣,以严苛刑狱为耻;以诚信友爱为荣,以失比争讼为耻;以治家严正为荣,以长幼失序为耻;以真情相爱为荣,以无爱婚姻为耻;以谨言慎行为荣,以躁言危行为耻等。 相似文献
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Jussi Haukioja 《Ratio》2006,19(2):176-190
The argument known as the ‘McKinsey Recipe’ tries to establish the incompatibility of semantic externalism (about natural kind concepts in particular) and a priori self‐knowledge about thoughts and concepts by deriving from the conjunction of these theses an absurd conclusion, such as that we could know a priori that water exists. One reply to this argument is to distinguish two different readings of ‘natural kind concept’: (i) a concept which in fact denotes a natural kind, and (ii) a concept which aims to denote a natural kind. Paul Boghossian has argued, using a Dry Earth scenario, that this response fails, claiming that the externalist cannot make sense of a concept aiming, but failing, to denote a natural kind. In this paper I argue that Boghossian’s argument is flawed. Borrowing machinery from two‐dimensional semantics, using the notion of ‘considering a possible world as actual’, I claim that we can give a determinate answer to Boghossian’s question: which concept would ‘water’ express on Dry Earth?1 相似文献