Orthographic neighborhood and concreteness effects in the lexical decision task

The experiment reported here investigated the sensitivity of concreteness effects to orthographic neighborhood density and frequency in the visual lexical decision task. The concreteness effect was replicated with a sample of concrete and abstract words that were not matched for orthographic neighborhood features and in which concrete words turned out to have a higher neighborhood density than abstract words. No consistent effect of concreteness was found with a sample of concrete and abstract words matched for orthographic neighborhood density and frequency and having fewer neighbors and higher-frequency neighbors than the words of the first sample. Post hoc analyses of the results showed that orthographic neighborhood density was not a nuisance variable producing a spurious effect of concreteness but, instead, that the existence of higher-frequency neighbors constitutes a necessary condition for concreteness effects to appear in the lexical decision task. This finding is consistent with the hypothesis that semantic information is accessed and used to generate the responses in lexical decision when inhibition from orthographic forms delays the target word recognition.     

Orthographic neighborhood size effect in Chinese character naming: orthographic and phonological activations

The present study examined the effects of orthographic neighborhood (N) size on the cognitive processes underlying Chinese character reading. Previous research has shown increasing N size facilitates word naming and recognition performance in alphabetic languages. Experiment 1 revealed that a large N size was associated with a general inhibition of processes underlying character reading, in contrast to previous findings with alphabetic languages. This inhibitory effect was influenced by regularity and consistency. Experiment 2 sought to assess the effects of higher-frequency neighbors on character naming performance. The results revealed that higher-frequency neighbors with different pronunciation to the target interfered with the phonological retrieval of targets. We propose that this type of interference may have caused the N size effect observed in Experiment 1. The results of Experiment 3 revealed that a large N size facilitated target naming in the absence of higher-frequency neighbors. The current results shed light on the processes underlying character naming, and we propose possible cognitive mechanisms of the N size effect on Chinese character naming.     

Orthographic neighborhood size effects in recognition memory

This study argues for the importance of physical word features in recognition memory by investigating the influence of orthographic distinctiveness. Experiment 1 demonstrated a mirror effect in ayes/no recognition test by manipulating orthographic neighborhood size. Words with small neighborhoods showed more hits and fewer false alarms than did words with larger neighborhoods. Experiment 2 replicated the neighborhood size mirror effect using null pairs in a forced choice recognition test. Experiment 3 required remember/know judgments in a yes/no recognition task. Experiment 4 used the same yes/no test as did Experiment 1, adding a study task that drew attention away from orthographic information in the study list. The mirror pattern disappeared with the addition of the study task.     

Orthographic neighborhood structure and lexical access

An experiment addressed whether lexical decision response latency and error rate are influenced by orthographic neighborhood structure. It was found that words with several higher-frequency neighbors were responded to more slowly and less accurately than words with fewer higher-frequency neighbors, even though the stimulus words were matched oh number of neighbors, word frequency, neighborhood frequency, number of higher-frequency neighbors, word length, and number of syllables. The results indicate that frequency is a relative effect dependent on the structure of the neighborhood. A word at the bottom of its neighborhood will be affected by the lexical representations of its higher-frequency neighbors. However, a word at the top of its neighborhood does not appear to be affected by the lexical representations of its neighbors.Preparation of this report was supported by a University Foundation Research Grant and an Affirmative Action Faculty Development Award from San Jose State University, to Laree Huntsman. The authors thank Brian Cronk, Katherine Lemkuil, Joseph Tajnai, Ruzica Udovicic, and Michael Weinborn for their assistance with stimuli development, Nadirah Ihsan and Jeffrey Limon for their assistance with data collection, and especially Guy Woffmdin for his invaluable programming assistance.     

The effects of "neighborhood size" in reading and lexical decision.

The effects of neighborhood size ("N")--the number of words differing from a target word by exactly 1 letter (i.e., "neighbors")--on word identification was assessed in 3 experiments. In Experiments 1 and 2, the frequency of the highest frequency neighbor was equated, and N had opposite effects in lexical decision and reading. In Experiment 1, a larger N facilitated lexical decision judgments, whereas in Experiment 2, a larger N had an inhibitory effect on reading sentences that contained the words of Experiment 1. Moreover, a significant inhibitory effect in Experiment 2 that was due to a larger N appeared on gaze duration on the target word, and there was no hint of facilitation on the measures of reading that tap the earliest processing of a word. In Experiment 3, the number of higher frequency neighbors was equated for the high-N and low-N words, and a larger N caused target words to be skipped significantly more and produced inhibitory effects later in reading, some of which were plausibly due to misidentification of the target word when skipped. Regression analyses indicated that, in reading, increasing the number of higher frequency neighbors had a clear inhibitory effect on word identification and that increasing the number of lower frequency neighbors may have a weak facilitative effect on word identification.     

Orthographic vs. phonological irregularity in lexical decision

This experiment investigates whether the influence of spelling-to-sound correspondence on lexical decision may be due to the visual characteristics of irregular words rather than to irregularities in their phonological correspondence. Lexical decision times to three types of word were measured: words with both irregular orthography and spelling-to-sound correspondence (e.g., GHOUL, CHAOS), words with regular orthography but irregular spelling-to-sound correspondence (e.g., GROSS, LEVER), and words regular in both respects (e.g., SHACK, PLUG). Items were presented in upper- and lowercase in order to examine the influence of “word shape” on any irregularity effects obtained. The results showed that irregular words with regular orthographies were identified more slowly than regular words in both upper- and lowercase. Words that are both orthographically and phonologically irregular were identified much more slowly with lowercase presentation. However, with uppercase, the lexical decision time for these items did not differ significantly from those of regular words. These data indicate that previous demonstrations of the regularity effect in lexical decision were not due to the unusual visual characteristics of some of the words sampled. In addition, the data emphasize the role of word shape in word recognition and also suggest that words with unique orthographies may be processed differently from those whose orthography is similar to other words.     

Orthographic cues to lexical stress: Effects on naming and lexical decision

Words whose spellings represent regular phonemic patterns, such asmint, show advantages in naming and lexical decision tasks over words, such aspint, that have exceptional relations between orthographic and phonemic patterns. We have extended such phenomena to the domain of lexical stress, by showing that disyllabic words whose spellings are consistent with their stress are easier to process than words whose spellings are misleading about stress. Such words are named more quickly and are pronounced with incorrect stress less often (Experiment 1). They are also classified more quickly and accurately in lexical decision tasks (Experiments 2 and 3). These results indicate that literate speakers have learned orthographic correlates to lexical stress in English. In addition, the similarities between results in the phonemic and prosodic domains indicate that models of reading developed for the former could be extended to the latter area.     

The effect of orthographic similarity on lexical retrieval: Resolving neighborhood conflicts

This paper reviews recent research on the effects of orthographic neighbors on visual word recognition in order to resolve apparently contradictory findings. The review reveals that the empirical evidence is not as contradictory as has been claimed. Neighbors have consistently been reported to facilitate responses to words in naming and lexical decision tasks. Inhibitory effects of neighbors appear to arise from sophisticated guessing strategies in the perceptual identification task or lexical decision strategies adopted in unusual stimulus environments. For English words, there is minimal evidence of competitive influences on lexical retrieval due to higher frequency neighbors. Such effects are more common in such languages as French and Spanish, perhaps because they embody a more consistent relationship between orthography and phonology. These findings provide important constraints on assumptions about the form of lexical representations and the parallel activation mechanisms assumed to underlie lexical retrieval.     

Exploring orthographic neighborhood size effects in a computational model of Chinese character naming

Orthographic neighborhood (N) size effects have been extensively studied in English consistently producing a facilitatory effect in word naming tasks. In contrast, several recent studies on Chinese character naming have demonstrated an inhibitory effect of neighborhood size. Response latencies tend to be inhibited by inconsistent characters with large neighborhoods relative to small neighborhoods. These differences in neighborhood effects between languages may depend on the characteristics (depth) of the mapping between orthography and phonology. To explore this, we first conducted a behavioral experiment to investigate the relationship between neighborhood size, consistency and reading response. The results showed an inhibitory effect of neighborhood size for inconsistent characters but a facilitatory effect for consistent characters. We then developed two computational models based on parallel distributed processing principles to try and capture the nature of the processing that leads to these results in Chinese character naming. Simulations using models based on the triangle model of reading indicated that consistency and neighborhood size interact with the division of labor between semantics and phonology to produce these effects.     

Word length and orthographic neighborhood size effects in the left and right cerebral hemispheres

Previous studies have reported an interaction between visual field (VF) and word length such that word recognition is affected more by length in the left VF (LVF) than in the right VF (RVF). A reanalysis showed that the previously reported effects of length were confounded with orthographic neighborhood size (N). In three experiments we manipulated length and N in lateralized lexical decision tasks. Results showed that length and VF interacted even with N controlled (Experiment 1); that N affected responses to words in the LVF but not the RVF (Experiment 2); and that when length and N were combined, length only affected performance in the LVF for words with few neighbors.     

Facilitative orthographic neighborhood effects: the SERIOL model account

A large orthographic neighborhood (N) facilitates lexical decision for central and left visual field/right hemisphere (LVF/RH) presentation, but not for right visual field/left hemisphere (RVF/LH) presentation. Based on the SERIOL model of letter-position encoding, this asymmetric N effect is explained by differential activation patterns at the orthographic level. This analysis implies that it should be possible to negate the LVF/RH N effect and create an RVF/LH N effect by manipulating contrast levels in specific ways. In Experiment 1, these predictions were confirmed. In Experiment 2, we eliminated the N effect for both LVF/RH and central presentation. These results indicate that the letter level is the primary locus of the N effect under lexical decision, and that the hemispheric specificity of the N effect does not reflect differential processing at the lexical level.     

Shared neighborhood effects in masked orthographic priming

Several studies have found effects of orthographically related masked nonword primes on lexical decisions to target words. These effects have been explained by the neighborhood characteristics of the target word (Forster, 1987), but the neighborhood characteristics of the prime in combination with the target are also found to be important (Hinton, Liversedge, & Underwood, 1998). In this study, we present a new account of masked form-priming effects based on the shared neighborhood of prime and target. Shared neighbors are words that are activated by both prime and target. According to the interactive activation model (McClelland & Rumelhart, 1981), shared neighborhood determines the size of priming effects. This prediction was tested and confirmed in a masked priming experiment that manipulated the shared neighborhood density of complete primes.     

Evaluating a split processing model of visual word recognition: effects of orthographic neighborhood size

The split fovea theory proposes that visual word recognition of centrally presented words is mediated by the splitting of the foveal image, with letters to the left of fixation being projected to the right hemisphere (RH) and letters to the right of fixation being projected to the left hemisphere (LH). Two lexical decision experiments aimed to elucidate word recognition processes under the split fovea theory are described. The first experiment showed that when words were presented centrally, such that the initial letters were in the left visual field (LVF/RH), there were effects of orthographic neighborhood, i.e., there were faster responses to words with high rather than low orthographic neighborhoods for the initial letters ('lead neighbors'). This effect was limited to lead-neighbors but not end-neighbors (orthographic neighbors sharing the same final letters). When the same words were fully presented in the LVF/RH or right visual field (RVF/LH, Experiment 2), there was no effect of orthographic neighborhood size. We argue that the lack of an effect in Experiment 2 was due to exposure to all of the letters of the words, the words being matched for overall orthographic neighborhood count and the sub-parts no longer having a unique effect. We concluded that the orthographic activation found in Experiment 1 occurred because the initial letters of centrally presented words were projected to the RH. The results support the split fovea theory, where the RH has primacy in representing lead neighbors of a written word.     

The mispriming effect: Evidence of an orthographic check in the lexical decision task

This paper describes a lexical decision experiment that demonstrates that there are increased rates of errors for words “misprimed” with words strongly associated with visually similar words (e.g., BREAD-BATTER) relative to rates for the same words preceded by completely unrelated words (e.g., SLEEP-BATTER). The pattern of results is shown to be inconsistent with Forster’s (1976) search model but consistent with a criterion-bias model supplemented by an orthographic checking process.

     

Pseudohomophone priming in lexical decision is not fragile in a sparse lexical neighborhood

In lexical decision, to date few studies in English have found a reliable pseudohomophone priming advantage with orthographically similar primes (the klip-plip effect; Frost, Ahissar, Gotesman, & Tayeb, 2003; see Rastle & Brysbaert, 2006, for a review). On the basis of the Bayseian reader model of lexical decision (Norris, 2006, 2009), we hypothesized that this was because in previous studies, lexical decisions could have been made without finding a match between the input and a unique lexical representation. Consistent with our hypothesis, we found that words from dense neighborhoods showed neither an orthographic form priming effect nor a pseudohomophone priming advantage; in contrast, with words from a sparse lexical neighborhood, a sizeable orthographic form priming effect was found, and a robust pseudohomophone priming advantage, which was not limited to the overlap of onset phoneme, was also observed. Identity primes produced greater facilitation than pseudohomophone primes. We consider the implication of these findings for the role of assembled phonology in lexical access.     

Testing the BOSS hypothesis: Evidence for position-insensitive orthographic priming in the lexical decision task

One recent conceptualization of the process of lexical access, the basic orthographic syllabic structure (BOSS) hypothesis, has been developed from a number of separate empirical and theoretical sources, and implicates distinct characteristics of the word recognition process. Using a lexical decision]priming paradigm, the present study tested all such characteristics simultaneously, together with a control condition in which simple sequences of letters were repeated within pairs of words, occupying different serial positions in each member of a pair. No evidence was obtained to suggest that BOSSs enjoy a special psychological status. Yet evidence from the same experiment suggests that words are processed via multiletter units in the lexical decision task, and that these units are not position specific, because they produce facilitation even when presented in different serial positions across primes and targets. Two interpretations of this position-insensitive orthographic priming are presented.     

Homophone effects in lexical decision

The role of phonology in word recognition was investigated in 6 lexical-decision experiments involving homophones (e.g., MAID-MADE). The authors' goal was to determine whether homophone effects arise in the lexical-decision task and, if so, in what situations they arise, with a specific focus on the question of whether the presence of pseudohomophone foils (e.g., BRANE) causes homophone effects to be eliminated because of strategic deemphasis of phonological processing. All 6 experiments showed significant homophone effects, which were not eliminated by the presence of pseudohomophone foils. The authors propose that homophone effects in lexical decision are due to the nature of feedback from phonology to orthography.     

More words in the neighborhood: Interference in lexical decision due to deletion neighbors

This article reports two lexical decision experiments that provide evidence for the automatic activation of deletion neighbors—that is, words that overlap with the presented word save for the deletion of one letter. Experiment 1 showed slower and less accurateno decisions for nonwords with deletion neighbors (e.g.,come inscome), relative to control nonwords. Experiment 2 showed slower and less accurate yes decisions for words with higher frequency deletion neighbors, relative to control words. An important methodological implication of these results is that stimuli should be equated using a different definition of orthographic neighborhood from that which is currently the norm. The results also have significant theoretical implications for input coding schemes and the mechanisms underlying recognition of familiar words.     

Absence of lexical and orthographic effects in a same-different task

Two experiments are reported that investigate whether the lexical and orthographic effects typically found in a simultaneous matching task are due to the facilitating effect of linguistic context on letter identification. The first experiment used a delayed matching task (2-sec SOA), with serial incremental display of the letters of the second stimulus (e.g., B, BR, BRA, BRAI, BRAIN). Lexical and orthographic effects were clearly demonstrated when the letters of the second stimulus were displayed rapidly (40 msec/letter), but these effects were absent at a slower speed (400 msec/letter). The same results were obtained in a second experiment, in which the letters of both stimuli were synchronously presented at either the fast rate or the slow rate. These results were interpreted in terms of a multilevel race model that assumes no interaction between levels of processing and attributes the effects to differing degrees of decision-processing lag.     

Enemies and friends in the neighborhood: orthographic similarity effects in semantic categorization

Studies investigating orthographic similarity effects in semantic tasks have produced inconsistent results. The authors investigated orthographic similarity effects in animacy decision and in contrast with previous studies, they took semantic congruency into account. In Experiments 1 and 2, performance to a target (cat) was better if a previously studied neighbor (rat) was congruent (i.e., belonged to the same animate-inanimate category) than it was if it was incongruent (e.g., mat). In Experiments 3 and 4, performance was better for targets with more preexisting congruent neighbors than for targets with more preexisting incongruent neighbors. These results demonstrate that orthographic similarity effects in semantic categorization are conditional on semantic congruency. This strongly suggests that semantic information becomes available before orthographic processing has been completed.