Comprehension of main ideas and details in coherent and noncoherent discourse by aphasic and nonaphasic listeners

Aphasic and nonaphasic listeners' comprehension of main ideas and details within coherent and noncoherent narrative discourse was examined. Coherent paragraphs contained one topic to which all sentences in the paragraph related. Noncoherent paragraphs contained a change in topic with every third or fourth sentence. Each paragraph contained four main ideas and one or more details that related to each main idea. Listeners' responses to yes/no questions following each paragraph yielded the following results: (1) Nonaphasic listeners comprehended the paragraphs better than aphasic listeners. (2) Both aphasic and nonaphasic listeners comprehended main ideas better than they comprehended details. (3) Coherence did not affect comprehension of main ideas for either group. (4) Coherence did not affect comprehension of details by nonaphasic subjects. (5) Coherence affected comprehension of details by aphasic subjects, and their comprehension of details in coherent paragraphs was worse than their comprehension of details in noncoherent paragraphs. There was no significant correlation between Token Test scores and measures of paragraph comprehension.     

Comprehension of directly and indirectly stated main ideas and details in discourse by brain-damaged and non-brain-damaged listeners

Aphasic, right-hemisphere-damaged, and non-brain-damaged subjects heard short narrative paragraphs. Each paragraph contained four main ideas and one or more details related to each main idea. After each paragraph was presented, subjects' comprehension and retention of main ideas and details from the paragraph were tested. Some of the test items directly restated information from paragraphs and others paraphrased information from paragraphs. All groups of subjects remembered main ideas better than they remembered details, and no group of subjects was significantly affected by whether test items directly or indirectly stated information from paragraphs. Disfluent aphasic and right-hemisphere-damaged subjects' overall paragraphs comprehension scores were not significantly poorer than those of non-brain-damaged subjects. Fluent and mixed aphasic subjects' overall paragraph comprehension scores were significantly worse than those of non-brain-damaged and right-hemisphere-damaged subjects. Token Test and Boston Diagnostic Aphasia Examination auditory comprehension scores did not predict aphasic subjects' paragraph comprehension scores. right-hemisphere-damaged subjects' overall paragraph comprehension scores were not significantly those of non-brain-damaged and right-hemisphere-damaged subjects. Token Test and Boston Diagnostic Aphasia Examination auditory comprehension scores did not predict aphasic subjects' paragraph comprehension scores.     

Contextual influences in reading comprehension in aphasia.

Aphasic subjects' auditory comprehension of reversible passive sentences is facilitated by preceding predictive and nonpredictive narratives (Hough, Pierce, & Cannito, 1989, Brain and Language, 36, 325-334). The present study found that aphasic subjects also comprehended written reversible passive sentences significantly more accurately when they were preceded by either predictive or nonpredictive five-sentence narratives than when they were presented in isolation. Also tested was the contention that predictive narratives do not improve aphasic subjects' ability to process target sentences but simply allow these sentences to be ignored. This contention was not supported. The aphasic subjects did not comprehend predictive narratives presented without the subsequent target sentences more accurately than they comprehended the target sentences presented in isolation. For comprehension to be enhanced, both the contextual narratives and the target sentences must be present.     

Contextual influences in aphasia: effects of predictive versus nonpredictive narratives

The influence of prior linguistic predictive and nonpredictive context on the comprehension of reversible passive sentences was investigated in 16 adults with aphasia. Eight subjects were classified as fluent and 8 as nonfluent. Subjects were presented with the sentences in isolation and preceded by nonpredictive and predictive contextual paragraphs. The overall results indicated that the subjects benefited significantly from the prior contextual narratives regardless of whether the paragraphs were predictive or nonpredictive. There were no significant differences between the two subject groups. The significant facilitation generated by the nonpredictive context suggests that redundancy of information may play a role in comprehension.     

Show me the meaning! The contextual relevance of images influences the recall and understanding of multimedia RSVP paragraphs

ABSTRACT

This study examined whether images facilitate contextual grouping as effectively as words. College students (N?=?102) read RSVP paragraphs with topics located at the beginning, middle, or end of the paragraph. Paragraph topic was presented as a topic-related image, topic-unrelated image, or written explicitly in text. Topic identification was equally accurate for topic-related images and topic sentences, and less accurate for unrelated images. Paragraphs from the text condition were recalled more accurately than the related and unrelated image conditions. Further, recognition of unrelated images was a positive predictor of the number of logical errors committed during recall. Therefore, related images did not improve memory and comprehension as much as text, and paragraphs with unrelated images negatively affected understanding of the meaning of the paragraph, but not recall. These findings have implications for multimedia information sources such as textbooks or articles that use images to clarify the meaning of the material.     

On-line syntactic processing in aphasia: studies with auditory moving window presentation

Twenty-eight aphasic patients with left hemisphere strokes and matched control subjects were tested on an auditory moving windows task in which successive phrases of a sentence were presented in response to subjects' self-paced button presses and subjects made timed judgments regarding the plausibility of each sentence. Pairs of sentences were presented that differed in syntactic complexity. Patients made more errors and/or took longer in making the plausibility judgments than controls, and were more affected than controls by the syntactic complexity of a sentence in these judgments. Normal subjects showed effects of syntactic structure in self-paced listening. On-line syntactic effects differed in patients as a function of their comprehension level. High-performing patients showed the same effects as normal control subjects; low performing patients did not show the same effects of syntactic structure. On-line syntactic effects also differed in patients as a function of their clinical diagnosis. Broca's aphasic patients' on-line performances suggested that they were not processing complex syntactic structures on-line, while fluent aphasics' performances suggested that their comprehension impairment occurred after on-line processing was accomplished. The results indicate that many aphasic patients retain their ability to process syntactic structure on-line, and that different groups of patients with syntactic comprehension disorders show different patterns of on-line syntactic processing.     

语篇阅读理解中人物性格模型的建构

采用实时窗口阅读技术,通过操纵特征段落性质和屏蔽段落长度两个变量,探讨人物性格模型在语篇阅读中的建构和影响因素。在研究所用材料中,特征段落描述能反映主人公性格的典型行为或不能反映其性格的一般行为,使其与目标句分别形成冲突或无关关系,考察读者能否利用这些内隐式的行为描述建构人物的性格模型。同时,改变屏蔽段落长度,形成局部或整体联贯两种条件,考察不同联贯类型的影响作用。结果发现：在不论整体还是局部联贯条件下,读者均能利用内隐的行为描述建构人物性格模型,并能应用该模型预期人物的后续行为。     

The resolution and recovery of filler-gap dependencies in aphasia: evidence from on-line anomaly detection

This study examines the on-line processing of sentences with movement using an auditory anomaly detection task (after Borland, Tanenhaus, Garnsey, & Carlson, 1995). Eight agrammatic aphasic participants (four of whom had undergone treatment focused on comprehension and production of filler-gap sentences) and 24 young normal participants listened to sentences and pressed a button when the sentences "stopped making sense." Critical sentences contained an anomaly in object relative clauses or conjoined clauses. Results showed that both young normals and aphasic participants were able to reject anomalous sentences of both types. In addition, both groups showed evidence of filler-gap resolution on-line. Importantly, however, there was evidence of a treatment effect for the aphasic patients: those who received treatment showed better performance than those who had not. Treated patients were more successful than the untreated patients in detecting the anomaly in filler-gap conditions, rejecting the anomalous filler-gap sentences reliably more often than the non-anomalous ones, like the young normals. This effect was not noted for untreated participants, i.e., there was no statistical difference between their rejection of anomalous and non-anomalous filler gap sentences. Further, the reaction time data showed that the treated aphasic patients' rejections came before sentence's end (within 2000 ms), while the majority of responses made by untreated patients did not. These results indicate that individuals with agrammatic aphasia appear to retain some gap-filling capacity and that treatment can improve their ability to make use of this capacity.     

Repetition in the transcortical aphasias

Transcortical aphasic patients were assessed on a repetition task comprised of both well-formed and deviant sentences. The patients faithfully repeated those sentences that were factually incorrect but grammatically well formed, and those sentences that were ungrammatical because of selection restriction violations. In contrast, presented with sentences featuring only minor syntactic violations (e.g., lack of number agreement), the patients spontaneously, and without awareness, resisted exact repetition; moreover, the resultant changes most often served to correct the syntactic deviations. Repetitions of sentences of this latter type also revealed a difference between the patients as a function of level of comprehension. The transcortical motor aphasic patient was influenced by semantic factors in his alterations of the minor syntactic violations, while the transcortical sensory aphasic was not. These findings are discussed in relation to the notion of autonomous syntactic processing. They are taken to suggest that syntactic facts such as number agreement are represented at a level in the processing chain that is distinct from that of semantic representation.     

The role of intonation cues in aphasic patients' performance of the grammaticality judgment task

This study investigated the possibility that the reported success of agrammatic aphasic patients in performing auditory grammaticality judgments results from their use of intonational cues to sentence well-formedness. Two agrammatic aphasics, two anomic aphasics, and two nonagrammatic patients with comprehension deficits for semantically reversible sentences were asked to judge grammatical well-formedness in three conditions. Results in a "natural" listening condition replicated the finding of M.C. Linebarger, M.F. Schwartz, and E. M. Saffran (1983, Cognition, 13, 361-392) that agrammatic patients are sensitive to grammaticality despite poor ability to use syntatic cues in comprehension tasks. Two additional listening conditions employed signal-processed auditory stimuli in which the fundamental frequency was normal or was set at a constant level. Right-hemisphere-damaged and normal controls showed no performance deficit for judgments of monotone sentences. The aphasic patients' performance was slightly worse for both signal-processed conditions, but there was little apparent effect of removing sentence intonation on their ability to judge sentence grammaticality. These results indicate that the high levels of performance on grammaticality judgement tasks have not resulted from patients' detection of intonational cues in ungrammatical sentences.     

Real-time comprehension of wh- movement in aphasia: evidence from eyetracking while listening

Sentences with non-canonical wh- movement are often difficult for individuals with agrammatic Broca's aphasia to understand (, inter alia). However, the explanation of this difficulty remains controversial, and little is known about how individuals with aphasia try to understand such sentences in real time. This study uses an eyetracking while listening paradigm to examine agrammatic aphasic individuals' on-line comprehension of movement sentences. Participants' eye-movements were monitored while they listened to brief stories and looked at visual displays depicting elements mentioned in the stories. The stories were followed by comprehension probes involving wh- movement. In line with previous results for young normal listeners [Sussman, R. S., & Sedivy, J. C. (2003). The time-course of processing syntactic dependencies: evidence from eye movements. Language and Cognitive Processes, 18, 143-161], the study finds that both older unimpaired control participants (n=8) and aphasic individuals (n=12) showed visual evidence of successful automatic comprehension of wh- questions (like "Who did the boy kiss that day at school?"). Specifically, both groups fixated on a picture corresponding to the moved element ("who," the person kissed in the story) at the position of the verb. Interestingly, aphasic participants showed qualitatively different fixation patterns for trials eliciting correct and incorrect responses. Aphasic individuals looked first to the moved-element picture and then to a competitor following the verb in the incorrect trials. However, they only showed looks to the moved-element picture for the correct trials, parallel to control participants. Furthermore, aphasic individuals' fixations during movement sentences were just as fast as control participants' fixations. These results are unexpected under slowed-processing accounts of aphasic comprehension deficits, in which the source of failed comprehension should be delayed application of the same processing routines used in successful comprehension. This pattern is also unexpected if aphasic individuals are using qualitatively different strategies than normals to comprehend such sentences, as under impaired-representation accounts of agrammatism. Instead, it suggests that agrammatic aphasic individuals may process wh- questions similarly to unimpaired individuals, but that this process often fails to facilitate off-line comprehension of sentences with wh- movement.     

Pronominal Resolution and Gap Filling in Agrammatic Aphasia: Evidence from Eye Movements

This paper reports the results of three studies examining comprehension and real-time processing of pronominal (Experiment 1) and Wh-movement (Experiments 2 and 3) structures in agrammatic and unimpaired speakers using eyetracking. We asked the following questions: (a) Is off-line comprehension of these constructions impaired in agrammatic listeners?, (b) Do agrammatic, like unimpaired, listeners show eye movement patterns indicative of automatic pronominal reference resolution and/or gap-filling?, and (c) Do eyetracking patterns differ when sentences are correctly versus incorrectly interpreted, or do automatic processes prevail in spite of comprehension failure? Results showed that off-line comprehension of both pronoun and Wh-movement structures was impaired in our agrammatic cohort. However, the aphasic participants showed visual evidence of real-time reference resolution as they processed binding structures, including both pronouns and reflexives, as did our unimpaired control participants. Similarly, both the patients and the control participants showed patterns consistent with successful gap filling during processing of Wh-movement structures. For neither pronominal nor movement structures did we find evidence of delayed processing. Notably, these patterns were found for the aphasic participants even when they incorrectly interpreted target sentences, with the exception of object relative constructions. For incorrectly interpreted sentences, we found end of sentence lexical competition effects. These findings indicate that aberrant lexical integration, rather than representational deficits or generally slowed processing, may underlie agrammatic aphasic listener’s comprehension failure.     

Verb processing during sentence comprehension in aphasia

This study examines verb processing during on-line sentence comprehension in aphasia. We describe two experiments that explore whether a group of Broca's aphasics, who were agrammatic in comprehension as well as speech, a group of fluent aphasics, and a group of normal controls are sensitive to the argument structure arrangements of verbs. Subjects had to perform a complex secondary task both in the immediate vicinity of the verb and also at a point well past the verb while listening to sentences for meaning. Reaction times to this secondary task show that both normal controls and agrammatic Broca's aphasic subjects activate multiple argument structure possibilities for a verb in the vicinity of the verb, yet at a point downstream from the verb such effects disappear. These data suggest that the problems agrammatic subjects show with verbs in sentence comprehension, and the general lexical access deficit also recently claimed to be part of the agrammatics' problem, may not extend to the real-time processing of verbs and their arguments. Fluent aphasic subjects, on the other hand, do not show sensitivity to the argument structure properties of verbs, suggesting that these patients may have a semantic-like sentence processing deficit.     

Patterns of language and discourse comprehension skills in school‐aged children with autism spectrum disorders

Åsberg, J. (2010). Patterns of language and discourse comprehension skills in school‐aged children with autism spectrum disorders. Scandinavian Journal of Psychology 51, 534–539. The present study examined patterns of language and discourse comprehension skills in Swedish school‐aged children with autism spectrum disorders (ASD) (n = 16) as compared to a slightly younger group of typically developing children (n = 16) matched for non‐verbal cognitive ability. Results suggested significantly lower abilities in narrative discourse comprehension for the ASD group, but not in oral receptive vocabulary or reception of grammar. This difficulty with discourse‐level comprehension appeared to be of a general nature, as no evidence was found for the hypothesis that participants with ASD would find comprehension of inferential discourse information disproportionally more difficult than stated information, or for the hypothesis that discourse processing in ASD would be characterized by an elevated processing of explicitly stated narrative details. The study has clinical and educational implications, as the findings suggest that children with ASD would benefit from being offered specific support for discourse‐level comprehension.     

话题结构对语篇情绪更新的影响

读者在阅读理解的过程中, 能够推断出故事主角的情绪状态, 并能随着语篇中的情绪变化做出情绪更新。在加工情绪信息的同时, 读者也加工语篇结构方面的信息, 二者皆有可能随着语篇的展开而发生变化。本研究采用自定步速阅读的方法, 分别在外显和内隐两种情绪加工任务下, 考察话题结构对语篇情绪更新的影响。结果发现, 在实验1的外显情绪判断任务下, 话题结构未显示出对语篇情绪更新的作用; 在实验2和实验3的内隐情绪理解任务下, 话题延续时, 情绪转换句的阅读时间长于情绪延续句, 此时情绪更新需要额外的加工时间; 而话题转换时, 二者没有显著差异, 说明此时读者在新结构下建立当前句的情绪表征, 并不受到先前情绪的影响。     

Syntactic and semantic contributions to sentence comprehension in agrammatism

Five aphasic subjects, who demonstrated agrammatic speech, and eight control subjects were presented with a sentence-picture matching task in which the factors of syntactic complexity, semantic reversibility, and sentence plausibility were independently varied. A subset of the sentences was patterned after that presented by A. Caramazza and E. Zurif (1976, Brain and Language, 5, 572-583) who concluded that Broca's aphasics rely on semantic constraints instead of syntactic information for sentence comprehension. Our aphasic subjects showed the same pattern of performance on this subset of sentences. However, the results from the full set of sentence materials we tested show that the aphasic subjects could perform some sentence level syntactic analyses, even when syntactic information conflicted with semantic constraints. The aphasic subjects correctly interpreted most active and passive sentences. They failed, however, to assign thematic roles and adjectives in center-embedded relative sentences, and instead relied on nonsyntactic information. These results show that both semantic and syntactic information contributed to sentence comprehension in the aphasic subjects we tested, in contrast to previous claims that syntactic and semantic processes are completely dissociated in this population.     

Influence of linguistic complexity,rate of presentation,and interphrase pause time on auditory-verbal comprehension of adult aphasic patients

Among the variables affecting comprehension of linguistic stimuli by aphasic subjects are syntactic complexity and processing time. Comprehension performance of 15 aphasic adults was studied while altering the rate of speech presentation and varying the pause time between the major phrases within sentences of increasing grammatical complexity.Simple Active Affirmative Declarative Sentences, Negative, and Passive sentences were presented (1) at the rate of 150 words per minute (wpm) with 1-sec interphrase pause time (IPT); (2) 150 wpm with no pauses; (3) 120 wpm with 1-sec IPT; (4) 120 wpm with no pauses added.Performance was seen to vary with increasing syntactical complexity and as a function of processing time. Greater comprehension was seen with active affirmative than negative; greater with passive affirmative than with active negative. Clinical implications are discussed. Subjects demonstrated greater comprehension when sentences were presented at slower than normal rate; addition of interphrase pause time intervals aided comprehension. Combining slower rate of presentation and IPT intervals provided greatest increase in auditory processing time and showed concomitant increase in comprehension performance.     

The Use of Contextual Information Related to General World Knowledge by Right Brain-Damaged Individuals in Pronoun Resolution

This study investigated the ability of right brain-damaged individuals (RBD) to use contextual information to resolve ambiguous pronouns. Subjects were presented with sentence pairs and required to resolve the ambiguous pronoun in the second sentence. Contrary to the prevailing view that RBD patients have difficulty using contextual information to integrate language, the RBD group demonstrated a normal pattern of response, demonstrating a sensitivity to the pragmatic information contained in the leading sentence. They responded more quickly to sentences with a pragmatically constrained preferred referent than to those sentences for which there was no preferred referent. As well, they chose the preferred referent significantly more often than the non-preferred referent. These results suggest that RBD patients can use contextual information at the level of a minimal discourse (i.e., two sentences).     

The effect of semantic plausibility on sentence comprehension in aphasia

Tested were 50 aphasic patients (16 Broca's, 15 Wernicke's, 10 global, and 9 amnesic), 13 nonaphasic brain damaged patients, and 13 normal adults to evaluate the effect of semantic plausibility on sentence comprehension in active affirmative declarative sentences with a sentence-picture matching task. A plate of two pictures was provided for each stimulus sentence, and the subject was required to choose the picture corresponding to the sentence presented auditorily. Two types of sentences in terms of plausibility were prepared, i.e., probable sentences (P) describing common events in our daily life and improbable sentences (I) describing rare events. There were four kinds of combinations of a picture with the other to make a correct/(distractor) set, i.e., P/(P), P/(I), I/(P), and I/(I) constructions. The results indicated that probable sentences were more comprehensible than improbable sentences, and that the effect of semantic plausibility did not differ among aphasic types.