Emotions,Me, Myself and I

We are prone to think that the emotions someone undergoes are somehow revelatory of the sort of person she is, and philosophers working in the field have frequently insisted upon the existence of an intimate relation between a subject and her emotions. But how intimate is the relation between emotions and the self? I first explain why interesting claims about this relation must locate it at the level of emotional intentionality. Given that emotions have a complex intentional structure – they are about an object and evaluate it – this means that the relation between emotions and the self may take different shapes. My discussion focuses on three different claims about this relation. According to the first claim, all emotions are about the subject who undergoes them. The second claim appeals to a more moderate form of reflexivity and affirms that emotions always feature a representation of other psychological states of the subject. The third understands the relation between emotions and the self in evaluative terms: emotions are said to evaluate relationally, one of the terms of this relation being the subject who undergoes it. I argue that all three claims apply, at best, only to a limited subset of emotions and that they must sometimes give way to claims that do not presuppose any intentional connection between emotions and the self.     

Basic emotions,rationality, and folk theory

Abstract

Answering the question of whether there are basic emotions requires considering the functions of emotions. We propose that just a few emotions are basic and that they have functions in managing action. When no fully rational solution is available for a problem of action, a basic emotion functions to prompt us in a direction that is better than a random choice. We contrast this kind of theory with a componential approach which we argue is either a version of the theory of basic emotions or else leads to the doctrine that emotions are mistaken tenets of folk psychology. We defend the psychological reality of the folk theory of emotions, and we argue that universal basic emotions make it possible to understand people from distant cultures, and to translate emotional terminology from one language to another. Finally, we show how theories of basic emotions can be tested, and indicate the kinds of empirical result that can bear on the issue.     

情绪对跨期决策的影响

近年来, 情绪对跨期决策的影响逐渐成为一个新的研究趋势。根据情绪发生于跨期决策过程中的时间, 可以将其分为决策前情绪、决策中情绪和决策后情绪。目前关于情绪与跨期决策的研究, 尤其是决策前情绪影响跨期决策的研究, 大多还只是停留在揭示现象的阶段, 较少有研究直接验证其中的影响机制。综合运用行为实验和神经影像学的手段从认知过程和决策过程揭示情绪影响跨期决策的行为机制和神经机制, 将有助于加深对跨期决策心理机制的理解, 并帮助人们更好地利用和控制情绪以做出更满意的决策。未来研究还需加强研究的深度和生态效度, 如考察动态情绪、日常情绪和复杂情绪对跨期决策的影响, 并在情绪干预方面进行更多的尝试和探索。     

State mindfulness,rumination, and emotions in daily life: An ambulatory assessment study

While the majority of studies have focused on dispositional mindfulness and the efficacy of mindfulness meditation, there has been limited study exploring the effect of state mindfulness on emotions and its potential mechanism. Therefore, we conducted an ambulatory assessment study to monitor state mindfulness and emotions in daily life and examine the mediating effect of rumination in a natural context. One hundred Chinese university students rated their state mindfulness, rumination, and emotions (e.g., anxiety, depression, happiness) five times per day for a week. Using hierarchical linear models, we and found that at the within‐person level, higher current state mindfulness was associated with more subsequent positive emotions and less subsequent negative emotions. Current rumination partially mediated the relation between current state mindfulness and subsequent positive emotions (happiness, relaxation, contentment, interest) and negative emotions (depression, anger, boredom, sadness). At the between‐person level, higher state mindfulness was associated with more positive emotions and less negative emotions. Individuals’ overall rumination partially mediated the relation between state mindfulness and emotions (depression, anger, boredom, sadness, relaxation). We concluded that higher state mindfulness was associated with lower rumination, which in turn resulted in more positive emotions and less negative emotions. More important, state mindfulness also exerted a dynamic impact on daily emotions via rumination.     

Stress, Positive Emotion, and Coping

There is growing interest in positive aspects of the stress process, including positive outcomes of stress and antecedents that dispose individuals to appraise stressful situations more as a challenge than as a threat. Less attention has been given to the adaptational significance of positive emotions during stress or to the coping processes that sustain positive emotions. We review evidence for the occurrence of positive emotions under conditions of stress, discuss the functional role that positive emotions play under such conditions, and present three types of coping that are associated with positive emotion during chronic stress. These findings point to new research questions about the role of positive emotions during stress and the nature of the coping processes that generate these positive emotions.     

Facial feedback hypotheses: Evidence,implications, and directions

This review evaluates four facial feedback hypotheses, each proposing a certain relation between the face and emotions. It addresses criticisms of the data, considers implications for emotional and social processes, and advises directions for future research. The current data support the following: Facial actions are sensitive to social context, yet correspond to the affective dimension of emotions; matches with specific emotions are unlikely. They modulate ongoing emotions, and initiate them. These two claims have received substantially improved support, in part due to studies controlling for effects of experimental demand and task difficulty. Facial action may influence the occurrence of specific emotions, not simply their valence and intensity. Facial action is not necessary for emotions. There are multiple and nonmutually exclusive plausible mechanisms for facial effects on emotions. Future work must focus on determining the relative contributions of these mechanisms, and the parameters of their effects on emotions.I appreciate the helpful comments of Harry Gollob, Greg McHugo, Catherine Reed, Craig Smith, and R. B. Zajonc on earlier drafts of this paper.     

The relationship between momentary emotions and well-being across European Americans,Hispanic Americans,and Asian Americans

Cultural differences in the emphasis on positive and negative emotions suggest that the impact of these emotions on well-being may differ across cultural contexts. The present study utilised a momentary sampling method to capture average momentary emotional experiences. We found that for participants from cultural contexts that foster positive emotions (European Americans and Hispanic Americans), average momentary positive emotions predicted well-being better than average momentary negative emotions. In contrast, average momentary negative emotions were more strongly associated with well-being measures for Asian Americans, the group from a cultural context that emphasises monitoring of negative emotions. Furthermore, we found that acculturation to American culture moderated the association between average momentary positive emotions and well-being for Asian Americans. These findings suggest the importance of culture in studying the impact of daily emotional experiences on well-being.     

Toward an Integrative Perspective on Distinct Positive Emotions for Political Action: Analyzing,Comparing, Evaluating,and Synthesizing Three Theoretical Perspectives

Which emotions explain why people engage in political action (e.g., voting, protesting)? To answer this question, theory and research in psychology and political science predominantly focused on distinct negative emotions such as anger. The current article conceptually explores the motivational potential of distinct positive emotions by developing an integrative perspective that specifies which positive emotions can be differentiated (i.e., their form), which function these emotions have, and which implications these have for explaining political action. To this end, I analyze, compare, evaluate, and synthesize three approaches to positive emotions (affective intelligence theory, appraisal theories of emotion, and broaden-and-build theory). This perspective generates new hypotheses for the field to test, including the role played by distinct positive emotions such as joy, inspiration, interest, hope, and pride in motivating political action. I discuss how this perspective may help restore a balance in research on emotions and political action by focusing on the motivational potential of distinct positive emotions.     

Who I am, who we are, and why: links between emotions and causal attributions for self- and group discrepancies

Discrepancies between people's ought selves and their actual selves and their ideal selves and actual selves predict the emotions that individuals experience. The authors predicted that internal versus external causal attributions for self-discrepancies should moderate the relationship between self-discrepancies and emotions, resulting in more refined predictions for both agitation- and dejection-related emotions and for two additional types of emotion, namely, anger-related and discontent-related emotions. Results of two studies generally supported the predictions that agitation-related emotions and dejection-related emotions were positively associated with actual-ought discrepancies and actual-ideal discrepancies, respectively, only when causal attributions for the discrepancies were internally based. Anger-related emotions and emotions of discontent were positively associated with actual-ought and actual-ideal discrepancies, respectively, primarily when causal attributions were externally based. Study 2, which addressed group discrepancies and group-based emotions, generally replicated the findings when group identification was high, yielding a more complex model of the link between discrepancies and emotions.     

The semantic pointer theory of emotion: Integrating physiology,appraisal, and construction

Emotion theory needs to explain the relationship of language and emotions, and the embodiment of emotions, by specifying the computational mechanisms underlying emotion generation in the brain. We used Chris Eliasmith’s Semantic Pointer Architecture to develop POEM, a computational model that explains numerous important phenomena concerning emotions, including how some stimuli generate immediate emotional reactions, how some emotional reactions depend on cognitive evaluations, how bodily states influence the generation of emotions, how some emotions depend on interactions between physiological inputs and cognitive appraisals, and how some emotional reactions concern syntactically complex representations. We contrast our theory with current alternatives, and discuss some possible applications to individual and social emotions.     

Emotions,Attitudes, and Reasons

Our emotional faculties respond to successes, gains, advantages, threats, losses, obstacles, and other personally significant objects or situations, producing positive or negative evaluations of them according to their perceived import. Being an evaluative response is a feature that emotions share with paradigm attitudes (beliefs, intentions, judgments, etc.). However, recently philosophers have been reluctant to treat emotions as attitudes. The usual reasons given have to do with the automaticity of emotions and their occasional recalcitrance. In this article, I argue that these things shouldn't disqualify emotions from counting as genuine attitudes. Our emotions do bear the kind of relationship with our reasons that is characteristic of our attitudes.     

Emotion differentiation dissected: between-category,within-category,and integral emotion differentiation,and their relation to well-being

Emotion differentiation, the ability to describe and label our own emotions in a differentiated and specific manner, has been repeatedly associated with well-being. However, it is unclear exactly what type of differentiation is most strongly related to well-being: the ability to make fine-grained distinctions between emotions that are relatively closely related (e.g. anger and irritation), the ability to make larger distinctions between very distinct emotions (e.g. anger and sadness), or the combination of both. To determine which type of differentiation is most predictive of well-being, we performed a comprehensive meta-analysis across six datasets. We examined the correlations between these three types of differentiation and several indicators of well-being (depression, emotional clarity, and self-esteem). Results showed that individuals differentiated most between very distinct emotions and least between more related emotions, and that an index computed across emotions from both the same and different emotion categories was most strongly associated with well-being indicators.     

The affective structure of supportive parenting: depressive symptoms, immediate emotions, and child-oriented motivation

This study investigated the maternal concerns and emotions that may regulate one form of sensitive parenting, support for children's immediate desires or intentions. While reviewing a videotape of interactions with their 1-year-olds, mothers who varied on depressive symptoms reported concerns and emotions they had during the interaction. Emotions reflected outcomes either to children (child-oriented concerns) or to mothers themselves (parent-oriented concerns). Child-oriented concerns were associated with fewer negative emotions and more supportive behavior. Supportive parenting was high among mothers who experienced high joy and worry and low anger, sadness, and guilt. However, relations depended on whether emotions were child or parent oriented: Supportive behavior occurred more when emotions were child oriented. In addition, as depressive symptoms increased, mothers reported fewer child-oriented concerns, fewer child-oriented positive emotions, and more parent-oriented negative emotions. They also displayed less supportive behavior. Findings suggest that support for children's immediate intentions may be regulated by parents' concerns, immediate emotions, and depressive symptoms.     

Consumer uncertainty: The influence of anticipatory emotions on ambivalence,attitudes, and intentions

Specific emotions and their combinations have important implications for consumer experiences and decisions. Therefore, emotional response is examined from a future temporal perspective in order to investigate the effect of anticipatory emotions on consumer ambivalence, attitudes, and intentions. In the first study, anticipatory emotions, compared with outcome‐based emotions, are found to be central in prospective consumption situations, and this combination of emotions is most likely to occur when consumers are presented with conflicting information. Furthermore, anticipatory mixed emotions (i.e., anticipatory ambivalence), in contrast to outcome‐based mixed emotions, were the greatest contributor to consumer discomfort and uncertainty regarding future consumption. The second study builds on the first by considering the effect of anticipatory ambivalence on attitudes and intentions in the context of a prospective purchase situation. Ambivalence was found to mediate the effect of evaluative information on intentions, as well as moderate the relationship between attitudes and intentions. Thus, the uncertainty associated with anticipatory emotions negatively affects intentions, as well as the relationship between attitudes and intentions. The theoretical and practical implications are discussed. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Occupational stress,psychological burnout and anxiety

Abstract

For many decades, the stress process was described primarily in terms of negative emotions. However, robust evidence that positive emotions co-occurred with negative emotions during intensely stressful situations suggested the need to consider the possible roles of positive emotions in the stress process. About 10 years ago, these possibilities were incorporated into a revision of stress and coping theory (Folkman, 1997). This article summarizes the research reported during the intervening 10 years that pertains to the revised model. Evidence has accumulated regarding the co-occurrence of positive and negative emotions during stressful periods; the restorative function of positive emotions with respect to physiological, psychological, and social coping resources; and the kinds of coping processes that generate positive emotions including benefit finding and reminding, adaptive goal processes, reordering priorities, and infusing ordinary events with positive meaning. Overall, the evidence supports the propositions set forth in the revised model. Contrary to earlier tendencies to dismiss positive emotions, the evidence indicates they have important functions in the stress process and are related to coping processes that are distinct from those that regulate distress. Including positive emotions in future studies will help address an imbalance between research and clinical practice due to decades of nearly exclusive concern with the negative emotions.     

Individual Differences in Emotion Regulation,Emotional Experiences at Work,and Work‐related Outcomes: A Two‐Study Investigation

The relationships among individual differences in emotion regulation (i.e., habitual tendencies to use reappraisal vs. suppression), employee emotions at work, and job performance and satisfaction were examined with 2 samples. Results indicated that reappraisal was positively associated with positive emotions and negatively associated with negative emotions. However, different from prior research, no emotional correlates were found for suppression. Further, it was found that job satisfaction was positively associated with positive emotions and negatively associated with negative emotions. Self‐rating of job performance was positively related to positive emotions, but was not significantly related to negative emotions.     

Kripke,Cartesian Intuitions,and Materialism

A popular idea at present is that emotions are perceptions of values. Most defenders of this idea have interpreted it as the perceptual thesis that emotions present (rather than merely represent) evaluative states of affairs in the way sensory experiences present us with sensible aspects of the world. We argue against the perceptual thesis. We show that the phenomenology of emotions is compatible with the fact that the evaluative aspect of apparent emotional contents has been incorporated from outside. We then deal with the only two views that can make sense of the perceptual thesis. On the response–dependence view, emotional experiences present evaluative response-dependent properties (being fearsome, being disgusting, etc.) in the way visual experiences present response-dependent properties such as colors. On the response–independence view, emotional experiences present evaluative response-independent properties (being dangerous, being indigestible, etc.), conceived as ‘Gestalten’ independent of emotional feelings themselves. We show that neither view can make plausible the idea that emotions present values as such, i.e., in an open and transparent way. If emotions have apparent evaluative contents, this is in fact due to evaluative enrichments of the non-evaluative presentational contents of emotions.     

Culture,Emotion, and Well-being: Good Feelings in Japan and the United States

We tested the hypothesis that “good feelings”—the central element of subjective well-being—are associated with interdependence and interpersonal engagement of the self in Japan, but with independence and interpersonal disengagement of the self in the United States. Japanese and American college students (total N = 913) reported how frequently they experienced various emotional states in daily life. In support of the hypothesis, the reported frequency of general positive emotions (e.g. calm, elated) was most closely associated with the reported frequency of interpersonally engaged positive emotions (e.g. friendly feelings) in Japan, but with the reported frequency of interpersonally disengaged positive emotions (e.g. pride) in the United States. Further, for Americans the reported frequency of experience was considerably higher for positive emotions than for negative emotions, but for Japanese it was higher for engaged emotions than for disengaged emotions. Implications for cultural constructions of emotion in general and subjective well-being in particular are discussed.     

Basic emotions, relations among emotions, and emotion-cognition relations.

From the cognitive theory perspective that emotions are cognition dependent and contain cognitive components, Ortony and Turner (1990) questioned the validity of the concept of basic emotions. They argued that the so-called basic emotions were neither psychologically or biologically "primitive" nor "irreducible building blocks" for generating the "great variety of emotional experiences." In the biosocial theory tradition, researchers have identified multiple noncognitive activators of emotion and demonstrated the usefulness of defining the essential components of emotion as phenomena that do not require cognitive mediators or constituents. In this framework, emotions are seen as basic because their biological and social functions are essential in evolution and adaptation. Particular emotions are called basic because they are assumed to have innate neural substrates, innate and universal expressions, and unique feeling-motivational states. The great variety of emotional experiences is explained as a function of emotion-cognition interactions that result in affective-cognitive structures.     

Young infants can be perceived as shy,coy, bashful,embarrassed

Previous research has found that 2‐ to 4‐month‐old infants display a behavioural pattern similar to adult expressions of shyness and related emotions (coyness, bashfulness, embarrassment). In the present study, 6 video‐clips of this pattern and 10 of control patterns varying on a number of features and contexts were presented to 37 judges in a free‐labelling task and in a rating task. Two examples of the target pattern were perceived as expressing primarily shyness and related emotions, three were perceived as expressing primarily happiness with varying degrees of these emotions, and one as expressing several other emotions as well as shyness and related ones. Yet, judges perceived shyness and related emotions almost exclusively in the target pattern, across different contexts and judgement tasks. The three clips perceived as most ‘shy’ were also used in a between‐judges session to control for priming effects. Overall, results suggest that young infants can be perceived as shy, coy, bashful or embarrassed, in particular when their expressive behaviour resembles the relevant adult expressions. Implications for the early development of these emotions are considered. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley Sons, Ltd.