共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
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受韩国宗教和平委员会邀请,中国宗教界和平委员会代表团于2009年11月19日至27日对韩国进行了访问,我会黄信阳、赖保荣副会长随团出访。代表团由中国宗教界和平 相似文献
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【本刊讯】以全国政协常委、中国宗教界和平委员会副主席、中国伊协会长陈广元大阿訇为团长,全国政协常委、“中宗和”常务副主席、中国佛教协会常务副会长圣辉法师为副团长,国家宗教局副局长、中国宗教文化交流协会副会长蒋坚永为顾问,中国伊协副会长、“中宗和”秘书长余振贵为秘书长的中国宗教界和平委员会代表团一行25人,于2006年8月26日至29日,出席了在日本京都召开的世界宗教和平会议第八届大会。中共中央政治局常委、全国政协主席贾庆林在代表团出访前接见了出席“世宗和”会议的中国宗教界和平委员会代表团全体成员并作了重要讲话。… 相似文献
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日本京都依旧是川端康成描述过的那个古都,寂静、唯美,似乎时间、暴力都可在此消失……2006年8月23日,以中国伊斯兰教协会会长、中国宗教界和平委员会副主席陈广元为团长的中国宗教代表团一行27人乘坐新干线从东京赶往京都,参加“第八届世界宗教和平大会”。世界宗教和平大会(World Conference Of 相似文献
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本刊讯10月26日,第十次中韩日佛教友好交流会议在北京京都信苑饭店隆重举行,中韩日三国佛教代表团及随喜团共300余人出席会议。会议开幕前,中、韩、日三国佛教代表在主席台正中央香案上安奉的释迦牟尼佛像前,共同举行了祈祷世界和平法会。中国佛教协会副会长兼秘书长学诚法师宣布祈祷法会开始。中方由中国佛教代表团团长一 相似文献
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应中国天主教教务委员会的邀请,香港天主教“中国神学协会”代表团一行六人,由会长郑生来神父率领,于10月14日至25日,在中国天主教教务委员会副主任刘柏年教友的陪同下,先后访问了上海,武汉和北京等地,受到了各地“两会”负责人,教区主教和全国“两会”负责人的热情款待,并与之亲切交谈。代表团在访问期间,国务院宗教事务局任局长、曹副局长,上海宗教事务局张副局长等,分别会见并宴请了郑生来神父 相似文献
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Arkowitz H 《The American psychologist》2005,60(7):731; author reply 734-731; author reply 735
Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners. 相似文献
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The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools. 相似文献
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形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度". 相似文献
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从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意 相似文献
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Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed. 相似文献
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谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府… 相似文献
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Andrew Norris 《Metaphilosophy》2004,35(3):249-272
Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination. 相似文献
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