Using social cognition to understand people's grandiose narcissism

Grandiose narcissists view the world through a self‐focused lens, which influences the way they perceive and interact with others. A useful strategy for examining narcissism may be to look beyond patterns of behavior to examine the cognitions that motivate narcissists. This review summarizes the cognitive biases that underlie narcissism by exploring how narcissists process, recall, and attend to self‐ and other‐relevant information. Adopting social‐cognitive approaches to studying such processes can potentially uncover the roots of narcissistic behavior and develop greater understanding of how narcissists maintain their self‐views and why they act as they do. A closer examination of narcissists' cognitive biases may inform future interventions to help reduce people's narcissistic tendencies.     

Expanding the Dynamic Self-Regulatory Processing Model of Narcissism: Research Directions for the Future

The "self-regulatory processing model of narcissism" described in the target article conceptualizes narcissism as a set of intra- and interpersonal processes employed in the service of motivated self-construction. In response to the insightful and constructive commentaries, this article theoretically expands this model to elaborate more fully the paradoxical coexistence of grandiosity and vulnerability in narcissists. Toward this goal, we consider the characteristics of the processing system and cognitive-affective dynamics that might underlie narcissistic grandiosity-vulnerability, as well as possible developmental antecedents. We discuss the possible concurrent operations of two systems-one implicit, hot, impulsive, and affect driven, the other explicit, rational, or cool. This analysis allowed the model to be extended in ways that further illuminates some of narcissists' paradoxical elements and enables specific predictions about the situational features likely to activate and maintain the narcissistic pattern. It is our hope that the model will stimulate additional research and theorizing about narcissism and serve more generally as a framework for the study of other personality types.     

Untangling the Links between Narcissism and Self‐esteem: A Theoretical and Empirical Review

The links among narcissism, explicit (deliberate, controllable) self‐esteem, and implicit (automatic, uncontrollable) self‐esteem are unclear despite numerous attempts to illuminate these links. Some investigations suggest that narcissism reflects high explicit self‐esteem that masks low implicit self‐esteem, but other investigations fail to replicate this pattern. Here, we place the ‘mask’ model of narcissism in historical context and review the existing empirical evidence for this model. We then discuss three possible issues that might shed light on the inconsistent findings that have emerged from tests of the mask model. These issues include the unreliability of implicit attitude measures, narcissism's different associations with agentic versus communal self‐views, and distinctions between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism subtypes. We also summarize several alternatives to the mask model of narcissism. Throughout, we offer suggestions for improving the study of narcissism and self‐esteem and point to directions for future research on this topic.     

Sound the Alarm: The Effect of Narcissism on Retaliatory Aggression Is Moderated by dACC Reactivity to Rejection

Narcissists behave aggressively when their egos are threatened by interpersonal insults. This effect has been explained in terms of narcissists' motivation to reduce the discrepancy between their grandiose self and its threatened version, though no research has directly tested this hypothesis. If this notion is true, the link between narcissism and retaliatory aggression should be moderated by neural structures that subserve discrepancy detection, such as the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex (dACC). This study tested the hypothesis that narcissism would only predict greater retaliatory aggression in response to social rejection when the dACC was recruited by the threat. Thirty participants (15 females; M_age = 18.86, SD = 1.25; 77% White) completed a trait narcissism inventory, were socially accepted and then rejected while undergoing fMRI, and then could behave aggressively toward one of the rejecters by blasting him or her with unpleasant noise. When narcissists displayed greater dACC activation during rejection, they behaved aggressively. But there was only a weak or nonsignificant relation between narcissism and aggression among participants with a blunted dACC response. Narcissism's role in aggressive retaliation to interpersonal threats is likely determined by the extent to which the brain's discrepancy detector registers the newly created gap between the grandiose and threatened selves.     

Self-regulatory and narcissistic grandiosity and vulnerability: Common and discriminant relations

In three studies we examined the unique relations of narcissistic grandiosity and vulnerability with the self-regulatory factors of promotion, prevention, assessment, and locomotion. We found that grandiosity has unique positive relations with promotion, assessment, and locomotion but is unrelated to prevention (Study 1). We also found that vulnerability has a unique positive relation with assessment, a unique negative one with promotion, and is unrelated to locomotion and prevention (Study 2). Study 3 replicated these findings and demonstrated that they do not derive from the self-regulatory factors’ or grandiosity and vulnerability’s associations with self-esteem. The results indicate that grandiosity and vulnerability have self-regulatory underpinnings and provide evidence of their specific discriminant nature. Further, they indicate that the critical evaluations associated with strong assessment concerns are a significant vulnerability for both narcissism presentations.     

Probing the link between narcissism and gambling: the mediating role of judgment and decision‐making biases

In this paper, three studies link narcissism to gambling in general, and gambling‐related problems in particular, and the predictive link is shown to be mediated by judgment and decision processes. In Study 1, we demonstrate that narcissism relates to greater self‐reported gambling frequency and gambling‐related monetary expenditures in two samples. We extend these initial findings in Study 2 by showing that narcissism predicts higher reports of gambling‐related pathology, as measured with a DSM‐IV‐based pathological gambling (PG) screen. Finally, we demonstrate in Study 3 that the link between gambling pathology and narcissism is partially mediated by narcissists' overconfidence, heightened risk acceptance, and myopic focus on reward, as measured by participants' behavioral performance on the Georgia Gambling Task (GGT) and Iowa Gambling Task (IGT). Discussion focuses on the empirical validation of the long‐assumed narcissism–gambling link, the decision processes that underlie this link, and relations between narcissists' self‐perceptions and their self‐defeating behavior, especially in risk‐relevant contexts. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Are Chinese narcissists disagreeable? Evidence from self‐ and peer‐ratings of agreeableness

Many studies have found that narcissism is negatively related to agreeableness in Western samples. Four experiments explored this relationship in a Chinese population. In Study 1, 228 junior high school students reported their narcissism and Five Factor Personality traits. In Study 2, participants recruited through the internet completed the measures of narcissism and agreeableness. In Study 3, 145 college students completed the measures of narcissism and agreeableness, as well as self‐esteem and social desirability. In Study 4, 204 senior high school adolescents reported their own narcissistic and agreeableness personality traits. They also received peer‐ratings of agreeableness. We found that narcissism was positively related with self‐reported agreeableness (Study 1, 2 and 4), but not with other ratings of agreeableness (Study 4). Chinese narcissists perceived themselves as agreeable, and their self‐perceptions of agreeableness were more positive than their peers rated them. We discuss the current findings in relation to the Chinese cultural context and underscore cultural roots of narcissism.     

Narcissism and Discrepancy Between Self and Friends' Perceptions of Personality

Most research on narcissism and person perception has used strangers as perceivers. However, research has demonstrated that strangers' ratings are influenced by narcissists' stylish appearance (Back, Schmukle, & Egloff, 2010). In the present study, we recruited participants and their close friends, individuals whose close relationship should immunize them to participants' superficial appearance cues. We investigated the relation between narcissism and personality ratings by self and friends. Participants (N = 66; 38 women; M_age = 20.83 years) completed the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (Raskin & Terry, 1988) and described their personality on the 100‐item California Adult Q‐Sort (CAQ; Block, 2008). Participants' personality was also described on the CAQ by close friends. The “optimally adjusted individual” prototype was used to summarize participant and friend personality ratings (Block, 2008). Participants with high narcissism scores were ascribed higher optimal adjustment by self than by friends. Narcissistic individuals' self‐ratings were extremely positive and more favorable than friends' ratings of them.     

A tale of two audiences: Narcissism,failure reactivity,and perceived criticism from the self and others as internalized audiences

We proposed a conceptual model which postulates that anticipating greater destructive (vs. constructive) criticism from the self and others partially explains the differentiation of narcissists’ failure reactivity as a function of narcissism subtype. Participants simulated failure, rated the likelihood of experiencing destructive and constructive criticism from social audiences (self and others [important other, unimportant other, social world]), and indicated failure reactivity (indexed as change in negative affect) following failure. Results generally supported our model. Vulnerable (grandiose) narcissism related to enhanced (reduced) failure reactivity and greater (less) anticipated destructive vs. constructive criticism from audiences, particularly the self. Controlling for perceived criticism from audiences attenuated relations between each narcissism subtype and failure reactivity, supporting the theoretical merit of our model.     

Impression mismanagement: People as inept self‐presenters

People routinely manage the impressions they make on others, attempting to project a favorable self‐image. The bulk of the literature has portrayed people as savvy self‐presenters who typically succeed at conveying a desired impression. When people fail at making a favorable impression, such as when they come across as braggers, regulatory resource depletion is to blame. Recent research, however, has identified antecedents and strategies that foster systematic impression management failures (independently of regulatory resource depletion), suggesting that self‐presenters are far from savvy. In fact, they commonly mismanage their impressions without recognizing it. We review failed perspective taking and narcissism as two prominent antecedents of impression mismanagement. Further, we argue that failed perspective taking, exacerbated by narcissism, contributes to suboptimal impression management strategies, such as hubris, humblebragging, hypocrisy, and backhanded compliments. We conclude by discussing how self‐presenters might overcome some of the common traps of impression mismanagement.     

Too Little or Too Much

A dynamic model such as psychoanalysis can explain the rise in narcissism and apparently contradictory hypotheses suggested for the phenomenon. Evolutionary biological, social, and psychological perspectives, and the regulatory processes and self-organizing systems inherent in life itself, all have a role in influencing the nature and levels of narcissism in the culture. Parenthood, itself, can act as a strong counterforce to narcissism, and the concern for self and others, otherwise known as ethics, can prevail. Both parochial self-centered interests and ethical universalistic principles continue to evolve and neither is likely to dominate the society for very long.     

Narcissism and well‐being: A longitudinal perspective

This study used a longitudinal design to examine both concurrent and prospective relations between narcissism and several indicators of well‐being in a non‐clinical population. Consistent with previous research, the concurrent analyses showed that (1) narcissism was related to greater well‐being with self‐esteem fully mediating the association, and (2) narcissism was related to greater self‐esteem contingency on negative interpersonal events. The prospective analyses showed that greater well‐being predicted an increase in narcissism; however, higher narcissism did not predict changes in well‐being. Lower affective reactivity to negative interpersonal events also predicted an increase in narcissism. The “would‐be” narcissist appears to be a person reporting feeling well and not overly concerned by an aversive social environment. However, narcissism does not appear to predict future benefits for one's well‐being. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Brief Report: Physician Narcissism,Ego Threats,and Confidence in the Face of Uncertainty

Although adequate self‐esteem is essential for psychological health, people with high but fragile self‐esteem have been shown to exhibit defensive, often aggressive behavior when their self‐esteem is threatened. We measured physician narcissism (as a proxy for high but fragile self‐esteem) and used a subtle manipulation to examine how physicians who varied in levels of narcissism responded to an ego threat. We found that physicians high in narcissism, as compared with those lower in narcissism, were more likely to respond to ego threat by attempting to bolster their self‐image. Concerned about self‐image, physicians in this situation may be insufficiently receptive to new information and instead attempt to justify initial opinions.     

Why Narcissists are Unwilling to Apologize: The Role of Empathy and Guilt

We hypothesized that narcissists would be unwilling to apologize for their interpersonal transgressions, and that reduced levels of self‐reported empathy and guilt would serially mediate this effect. Narcissism is characterized by little empathy for the victim, which reduces guilt about one's transgressions. Low guilt, in turn, is associated with unwillingness to apologize. In Study 1, we assessed dispositional narcissism, empathy, guilt, and willingness to apologize. In Study 2, we assessed dispositional narcissism and obtained state measures of empathy, guilt, and willingness to apologize. In Study 3, we manipulated narcissism and collected state measures of empathy, guilt, and willingness to apologize. Narcissism was negatively associated with (Studies 1–2) and decreased (Study 3) willingness to apologize, with this link being explained (i.e., serially mediated) by low empathy and guilt. Finally, in Study 4, we showed that antagonistic narcissism (i.e., narcissistic rivalry), but not agentic narcissism (i.e., narcissistic admiration), was negatively associated with willingness to apologize and apologizing behaviour. In all, narcissists are unwilling to apologize for their transgressions, as they experience little empathy for their victims and lower guilt. Copyright © 2017 European Association of Personality Psychology     

A Dangerous Subject: The Fashion Model and the Beauty/Narcissism Double Bind

In the wake of modernity, women's sexuality was positioned in a way that created a beauty/narcissism double bind that is still with us today. My concern in this article is that the subject position of “fashion model” serves as a constant reminder of this split, which is directed at all women and weakens the generalized woman's political agency. Fashion models themselves experience harassment and humiliation as well as pleasure and desire in their work as fashion models. However, the small portion of feminist work that has engaged explicitly with the fashion‐model business sees it mainly as an enterprise that is alienating and hostile to women. Although I do not entirely disagree with this analysis, it neglects the meaning of beauty and what beauty does to us with regard to creativity and pleasure. I wish to explore how some of the work experience of fashion models intersects with and challenges the beauty/narcissism double bind. I suggest that rather than grounding our understanding of the subject position “fashion model” and the fashion business solely in their reinforcement of the beauty/narcissism double bind, we should pay attention to the importance of what beauty and aspects of narcissism may mean.     

Health promotion from the perspective of social cognitive theory

Abstract

This article examines health promotion and disease prevention from the perspective of social cognitive theory. The areas of overlap with some of the most widely applied psychosocial models of health are identified. The models of health promotion and disease prevention have undergone several generational changes. We have shifted from trying to scare people into health, to rewarding them into health, to equipping them with self-regulatory skills to manage their health habits, to shoring up their habit changes with dependable social supports. These transformations have evolved a multifaceted approach that addresses the reciprocal interplay between self-regulatory and environmental determinants of health behavior. Social cognitive theory addresses the socio structural determinants of health as well as the personal determinants. A comprehensive approach to health promotion requires changing the practices of social systems that have widespread detrimental effects on health rather than solely changing the habits of individuals. Further progress in this field requires building new structures for health promotion, new systems for risk reduction and greater emphasis on health policy initiatives. People's beliefs in their collective efficacy to accomplish social change, therefore, play a key role in the policy and public health approach to health promotion and disease prevention.     

Self‐monitoring,status, and justice‐related information flow

We develop and test a multi‐level interactive model of the relationships among self‐monitoring, co‐workers' formal and informal status, and justice‐related information flow in a scenario‐based field study of 4,011 unique relationships collected from 84 respondents. We predict that individuals high in self‐monitoring, because they attend more carefully to social cues and have higher levels of expressive control, will be more likely than low self‐monitors to intend to seek, accept, and provide justice‐related information as a function of their co‐workers' formal status, the size of their co‐workers' networks, and the advantageousness of their co‐workers' position in the networks (betweenness centrality). This cross‐level interaction hypothesis receives strong support in terms of co‐workers' network size, limited support in terms of co‐workers' betweenness centrality, and no support in terms of co‐workers' formal status. We address the implications of these findings for the literature on self‐monitoring, social construction of organizational justice, and social networks, as well as the strengths and limitations of our approach.     

Connectionism and Self: James,Mead, and the Stream of Enculturated Consciousness

William James conceptualized I, the self as subject as a stream of consciousness. When this conception is augmented with George Herbert Mead's view of self as a radically socialized and enculturated process, a result is the James-Mead model of dynamic self as a stream of enculturated consciousness. In this paper, we argue that connectionism is best suited to theorize this challenging notion. Based on the view that a connectionist model should describe psychological processes that carry out psychological functions grounded in a biological living system, we propose the I-SELF (Imitative and Sequence Learning Functional) model, which is designed to capture the temporal dynamics of a stream of consciousness whose content can be acquired via symbolically mediated social interaction with others in society. We identify four implications of the James-Mead model of dynamic self (embodiment, narrative and self, individual and collective self, and culture and self), and report computer simulations to show the utility of I-SELF in conceptualizing the dynamic self-processes in the contemporary social psychological literature. Theoretical and metatheoretical implications of the connectionist approach to self are discussed.     

Change one can believe in: Adding learning to computational models of self-regulation

Theories of self-regulation describe motivation as a dynamic process of goal choice and goal striving. To facilitate those processes, individuals learn about themselves and their environment, which is an internal dynamic process. However, the precise nature of the relationship between these learning and motivational processes is not well specified. This article integrates formal models of learning, goal choice, and goal striving using a single information processing structure found in self-regulatory models of motivation. Results from two published studies ( and ) validate the model. In both cases, the integrated model accounts for findings that previous theories of self-regulation could not explain. Discussion focuses on additional tests to validate the model and on the value of incorporating formal models from the cognitive, learning, and motivational literatures to account for behavior in complex settings and over time.     

Culture,context, and cognition: The Semantic Procedural Interface model of the self

Several studies have found evidence that social information processing is strongly influenced by the person either primarily defining his or her self as an autonomous entity (independent self-construal) or as related to other people (interdependent self-construal). In this chapter, we describe the psychological mechanisms by which independent and interdependent self-construals affect individual experience. We propose the Semantic Procedural Interface (SPI) model of the self, which distinguishes two such mechanisms. In addition to differences in the semantic content areas from which independent and interdependent self-construals arise (semantic application mechanism), there are also different procedural modes of thinking (procedural application mechanism) associated with them. Independent self-definitions coincide with the tendency to process stimuli unaffected by the context in which they appear. Relating the self to the social contexts within interdependent self-construals facilitates context-bounded thinking (i.e., processing stimuli by paying attention to their relation to the given context). The results of several experiments attesting to the value of the differentiation between both application mechanisms are presented. We discuss how far differences in information processing between members of different cultural groups can be traced back to the mechanisms described in the SPI model.