Racial Profiling and Background Injustice

Racial profiling appears to be morally more troubling when the racial group that is the object of the profile suffers from background injustice. This article examines two accounts of this intuition. The responsibility-based account maintains that racial profiling is morally more problematic if the higher offender rate within the profiled group is the result of social injustices for which other groups in society are responsible. The expressive harm based account maintains that racial profiling is more problematic if it makes background injustice vivid and thereby causes the profiled to feel resentment. I raise problems with both accounts and suggest a third account. On the humiliation-based account, individuals who are subjected to racial profiling in a context of background injustice are placed in a situation in which they cannot prevent appearing to onlookers in a demeaning way.     

Racial Profiling and Criminal Justice

According to the main argument in favour of the practice of racial profiling as a low enforcement tactic, the use of race as a targeting factor helps the police to apprehend more criminals. In the following, this argument is challenged. It is argued that, given the assumption that criminals are currently being punished too severely in Western countries, the apprehension of more criminals may not constitute a reason in favour of racial profiling at all.     

Emotions and White Racial Identity Status Attitudes

Relationships between emotional states and White racial identity status attitudes (Helms, 1984 , 1990) were tested on a sample of 286 White students. The stimulus was a vignette in which one condition involved explicit racial information and one did not. Participants rated baseline and posttest emotions and completed the White Racial Identity Attitude Scale (Helms & Carter, 1990 ). In the race condition, levels of posttest fear decreased as levels of autonomy status attitudes increased. Se realizó un test sobre las relaciones entre los estados emocionales y las actitudes de estado de identidad racial blanca (Helms, 1984 , 1990) en una muestra de 286 estudiantes blancos. El estímulo fue una viñeta en la cual una de las condiciones incluía información racial explícita y otra no. Los participantes evaluaron las emociones de referencia y con posterioridad al test, y completaron la Escala de Actitudes de Identidad Racial Blanca (Helms & Carter, 1990 ). En la condición de raza explícita, los niveles de miedo con posterioridad al test disminuyeron, mientras que los niveles de actitudes de estado de autonomía aumentaron.     

The Art of the Unseen: Three challenges for Racial Profiling

This article analyses the moral status of racial profiling from a consequentialist perspective and argues that, contrary to what proponents of racial profiling might assume, there is a prima facie case against racial profiling on consequentialist grounds. To do so it establishes general definitions of police practices and profiling, sketches out the costs and benefits involved in racial profiling in particular and presents three challenges. The foundation challenge suggests that the shifting of burdens onto marginalized minorities may, even when profiling itself is justified, serve to prolong unjustified police practices. The valuation challenge argues that although both costs and benefits are difficult to establish, the benefits of racial profiling are afflicted with greater uncertainty than the costs, and must be comparatively discounted. Finally, the application challenge argues that using racial profiling in practice will be complicated by both cognitive and psychological biases, which together reduce the effectiveness of profiling while still incurring its costs. Jointly, it is concluded, these challenges establish a prima facie case against racial profiling, so that the real challenge consists in helping officers practice the art of the police and not see that which it is useless that they should see.     

Not Yet Making Sense of Political Toleration

A growing number of theorists have argued that toleration, at least in its traditional sense, is no longer applicable to liberal democratic political arrangements??especially if these political arrangements are conceived of as neutral. Peter Jones has tried make sense of political toleration while staying true to its more traditional (disapproval yet non-prevention) meaning. In this article, while I am sympathetic to his motivation, I argue that Jones?? attempt to make sense of political toleration is not successful.     

Treating People as Equals: Ethical Objections to Racial Profiling and the Composition of Juries

This paper shows that the problem of treating people as equals in a world marked by deep-seated and, often, recalcitrant inequalities has implications for the way we approach the provision of security and justice. On the one hand, it means that racial profiling will generally be unjustified even when it might promote collective interests in security, on the other, it means that we should strive to create racially mixed juries, even in cases where defendant and alleged-victim are of the same race. The paper examines a recent report on race and jury trials in the United Kingdom and concludes that, despite the author??s claims that all-white juries are fair, the data shows the complex ways in which racial differences are translated into unjustified and arbitrary inequalities. Hence, it concludes, racially mixed juries are desirable, and sometimes necessary for justice, though probably not sufficient.     

The Moral and Political Status of Children

Book Information The Moral and Political Status of Children. The Moral and Political Status of Children David Archard, Colin M. Macleod, eds., Oxford and New York : Oxford University Press, 2002, viii + 296, US$60 (cloth). Edited by David Archard;, Colin M. Macleod;, eds.. Oxford University Press. Oxford and New York. Pp. viii + 296. US$60 (cloth).,     

Reasonable Pluralism and the Domain of the Political: How the Weaknesses of John Rawls's Political Liberalism Can be Overcome by a Justificatory Liberalism

Under free institutions the exercise of human reason leads to a plurality of reasonable, yet irreconcilable doctrines. Rawls's political liberalism is intended as a response to this fundamental feature of modern democratic life. Justifying coercive political power by appeal to any one (or sample) of these doctrines is, Rawls believes, oppressive and illiberal. If we are to achieve unity without oppression, he tells us, we must all affirm a public political conception that is supported by these diverse reasonable doctrines. The first part of this essay argues that the free use of human reason leads to reasonable pluralism over most of what we call the political. Rawls's notion of the political does not avoid the problem of state oppression under conditions of reasonable pluralism. The second part tries to show how justificatory liberalism provides (1) a conception of the political that takes seriously the fact that the free use of human reason leads us to sharply disagree in the domain of the political while (2) articulating a conception of the political according to which the coercive intervention of the state must be justified by public reasons.     

Race-Based Stress in White Adults: Exploring the Role of White Racial Identity Status Attitudes and Type of Racial Events

The impact of racial experiences on Whites has been underresearched and has rarely been considered traumatic. To understand these experiences, it is important to consider variation in one's orientation to their racial group (i.e., racial identity) and the type of racial encounter. Using a White adult sample and hierarchical cluster analysis, the authors found that reactions to race-based encounters were associated with varying levels of psychological distress and well-being and racial identity statuses. Clinical implications are discussed. El impacto de las experiencias raciales en personas blancas no ha sido suficientemente investigado y en raras ocasiones ha sido considerado traumático. Para comprender estas experiencias, es importante considerar la variación en la orientación de cada individuo hacia su grupo racial (es decir, la identidad racial) y el tipo de encuentro racial. Usando una muestra de personas adultas blancas y un análisis jerárquico de clústeres, los autores hallaron que las reacciones a los encuentros raciales estaban asociadas a niveles variables de malestar psicológico, así como de estados de bienestar e identidad racial.     

Public Support for Political Compromise on a Volatile Racial Issue: Insight from the Survey Experiment

In 2000, South Carolina officials, after years of political wrangling over the flying of the Confederate flag over the state capitol, finally removed it, placing it at a Confederate monument on the statehouse grounds. Here, via iterative survey experimentation, I look at the public response to the political compromise required to bring down the flag. I show that the public did respond positively to the multifaceted compromise and that black flag opponents were much more likely than white flag proponents to support the compromise. I also show that more white flag proponents can be swayed to support the compromise if they understand that it is supported by a majority of South Carolinians, thus breaking their misperception of the issue. Flag proponents, however, do not respond more positively to compromise simply because it is the by‐product of white and black negotiations. The political process necessarily evokes competitive intergroup attitudes. Can we think about process in a way that redirects these attitudes and makes political compromise more acceptable?     

Admitting a Sense of Superiority: Aggrandized Higher Education Status as an Objection to Educational Inequality

Recalling the landmark US Supreme Court case Brown v. Board of Education (1954), the advancement of educational equality is often associated with the reduction of stigmatizing differences in status or “sense of inferiority” engendered by separately and differentially educated citizens. This essay takes up the obverse concern, the sense of superiority sustained by educational inequality, with particular focus on the inequality signaled by higher education status (HES). I contend that the presence of aggrandized HES in a democratic society provides reasons to object to educational inequality for which institutions of higher education ought to be held responsible. Aggrandized HES not only demands a questionable deference from citizens in a democratic society; it also weakens HES’s signaling of epistemic authority and equality of educational opportunity, which harms the public’s motivation to learn by distorting beliefs about education. To address this problem, I argue that the best policy solution for curbing aggrandized uses of HES is to transform the positional aspect of higher education using an admissions policy originally suggested by Elizabeth Anderson, which I term the elite culture strategy. Beyond admissions policies, this essay addresses the larger concern of educating citizens to perceive and assess educational status according to democratic norms and not solely in terms of self-interested gain.     

Applicant Race, Job Status, and Racial Attitude as Predictors of Employment Discrimination

It is important to understand why biased employee selection occurs in the workplace. We examined applicant race, job status, and the evaluator's attitudes toward blacks as possible predictors of unfair selection decisions. After completing an attitude toward blacks scale, one hundred and eighty-one people evaluated the qualifications of either a black or white applicant for either a high or low status job. Results showed no differences in the hiring decision. However, evaluators with more negative attitudes toward blacks reported greater confidence in their decision to hire the black applicant than the white applicant for the low status job compared to the confidence of evaluators with more positive attitudes. They also reported greater confidence in their decision to hire the white applicant than the black applicant for the high status job as compared to evaluators with more positive attitudes towards blacks. We observed the opposite results for less biased individuals. Evaluator ratings do not explain these findings. These data suggest that unfair discrimination may operate in subtle ways.     

Prototypes of Discrimination: How Status Asymmetry and Stereotype Asymmetry Affect Judgments of Racial Discrimination

This research investigated status asymmetry and stereotype asymmetry features of the racial discrimination prototype. Consistent with status asymmetry predictions, Black observers made greater attributions to discrimination when the victim was Black and the perpetrator was White than when the roles were reversed. In contrast, White observers made similar attributions to discrimination, regardless of status asymmetry. In partial support of the stereotype asymmetry hypothesis, Black and White observers made greater attributions to discrimination for Black victims in a domain where Blacks are negatively stereotyped than positively stereotyped. However, attributions to discrimination for White victims were unaffected by the domain.     

Religion,Political Discourse,and Activism Among Varying Racial/Ethnic Groups in America

The current study assesses the roles that political encouragement from clergy and lay involvement in political discussions play in the political and civic activism of varying racial/ethnic groups. Congregants are likely to participate in varying forms of activism when asked by clergy because of the high levels of trust that Americans have in their clergy and because political appeals are often communicated in a culturally relevant manner. In addition, participation in political discussions within houses of worship is likely to increase a sense of political agency and efficacy. For almost all groups, lay political deliberation is associated with activism. However, while political encouragement from clergy is associated with Black and Hispanic activism, it plays a negligible role in motivating Whites and Caribbean Blacks to action. Ideological symmetry between clergy and congregants may explain the degree to which political appeals from clergy motivate varying racial/ethnic groups to action.     

Racial Identity Status Profiles and Expressions of Anger in Black Americans: An Exploratory Study

The relationship between Black adult racial identity status profiles and anger expression was examined. Two profiles, Undifferentiated and Immersion‐Emersion, emerged. A comparison of modes of anger expression revealed that the Immersion‐Emersion dominant profile was associated with higher scores on Anger‐Out and lower scores on Anger‐Control. Implications for research and counseling are discussed. Se examinó la relación entre los perfiles del estado de la identidad racial de individuos Negros adultos y la expresión de ira. Surgieron dos perfiles, indiferenciado e inmersión‐emersión. Una comparación de los modos de expresión de la ira reveló que el perfil dominante de Inmersión‐Emersión estaba asociado a registros más altos en Ira‐Fuera y más bajos en Control de la ira. Se discuten las implicaciones para la investigación y la consejería.     

The Sense of Divine Control and Psychological Distress: Variations Across Race and Socioeconomic Status

This study examines race and socioeconomic status (SES) differences in levels of the sense of divine control and its association with psychological distress. Using data from adults aged 65 and older in the District of Columbia and two adjoining counties in Maryland, we document that levels of the sense of divine control are highest among African Americans and individuals of low SES. Although the association between SES and perceived divine control is more negative among whites net of statistical adjustments for other indicators of religiosity and stressors, these conditions contribute modestly to the race × SES interaction effect. In addition, the sense of divine control is associated negatively with distress among low-SES African Americans and positively with distress among low-SES white elders. These patterns remain stable net of other forms of religiosity, an array of stressors, and the personal resources of the sense of mastery and self-esteem. Our findings elaborate on social stratification differences in religiosity and their different associations with well-being.