A Web-Based Contingency Management Program With Adolescent Smokers

The present study evaluated a new 30-day Web-based contingency management program for smoking abstinence with 4 daily-smoking adolescents. Participants made 3 daily video recordings of themselves giving breath carbon monoxide (CO) samples at home that were sent electronically to study personnel. Using a reversal design, participants could earn money for continued abstinence during the treatment phases (CO ≤ 5 ppm). All participants were compliant with the treatment (submitting 97.2% of samples), and all achieved prolonged abstinence from smoking.     

CONTINGENT PAYMENT PROCEDURES FOR SMOKING REDUCTION AND CESSATION

We assessed the ability of a combined contingent reinforcement and intensive monitoring procedure to promote and sustain temporary smoking cessation among 34 hired research volunteers, and the ability of a smoking reduction test to predict the subsequent initiation of abstinence. During the 5-day cutdown test, subjects were paid from $0 to $6 per day depending on the extent of reduction from baseline CO levels. During the abstinence test, breath samples were obtained three times daily and subjects were paid $4 for each CO reading ≤11 ppm. Sixty-eight percent of subjects initiated abstinence. Of the breath samples collected during the abstinence test (91% of scheduled samples), 96.5% were ≤11 ppm and 80.5% were ≤8 ppm. Subjects who earned more money during the cutdown test were more likely to abstain (r = ?0.51, p < .001). Contingent reinforcement and intensive monitoring procedures appear to have usefulness for analog studies of smoking reduction and cessation.     

Simulating Personal Wealth in the Laboratory

During laboratory gambling tasks participants are not typically allowed to wager their personal wealth. Instead, wealth is simulated by telling participants they have been endowed with game tokens that will be later exchanged for money. Past research indicates that participants undervalue game tokens following this procedure, which leads to elevated risk taking compared to procedures that add saliency or realism to the monetary payoff. A between-subjects experiment tested whether showing a picture of money during the endowment instructions and repeating token-money exchange information during the session influenced participants' preference for risky and riskless options. The results showed no effect of the money picture. However, repeated token-money exchange information significantly decreased risk taking. Together with past studies, this finding suggests that endowment procedures might establish greater value in game tokens, and therefore better simulate personal wealth, when the eventual exchange between game tokens and money is made more salient to participants.     

OPIOID ABSTINENCE REINFORCEMENT DELAYS HEROIN LAPSE DURING BUPRENORPHINE DOSE TAPERING

A positive reinforcement contingency increased opioid abstinence during outpatient dose tapering (4, 2, then 0 mg/day during Weeks 1 through 3) in non‐treatment‐seeking heroin‐dependent volunteers who had been maintained on buprenorphine (8 mg/day) during an inpatient research protocol. The control group (n = 12) received $4.00 for completing assessments at each thrice‐weekly visit during dose tapering; 10 of 12 lapsed to heroin use 1 day after discharge. The abstinence reinforcement group (n = 10) received $30.00 for each consecutive opioid‐free urine sample; this significantly delayed heroin lapse (median, 15 days).     

Money Doesn’t Stink. Or Does It? The Effect of Immorally Acquiring Money on Its Spending

Building on magical contagion literature, we show that the way in which money is acquired colors the perception of the money itself, and thus affect the way it is spent. In a hypothetical scenario participants who imagined acquiring money immorally (versus morally) experienced more guilt about the way in which they acquired it and spent less of it. Furthermore, in the immoral, but not the moral condition, guilt correlated significantly with spending: the greater the guilt, the less money was spent. We interpret this finding as stemming from individuals?? desire not to handle what they see as ??dirty?? money.     

Stimulus control and generalization of point-loss punishment with humans

Two experiments demonstrated stimulus control and generalization of conditioned punishment with humans. In both studies, responses first were reinforced with points exchangeable for money on a variable-interval schedule in the presence of one line length (S(D)). Next, a second line length was introduced, and point loss followed every response in the presence of that line (S(D)p). In the final training condition, points were deducted at session end. Response rate was lower in the presence of the S(D)p despite equal rates of points for money in the presence of both stimuli. In generalization testing for Experiment 1, the two lines were included in a 10-line continuum; S(D)p fell in the middle and the trained SD was at one end. Lines were presented randomly, and point delivery and loss contingencies were as in training but with points available in the presence of all lines. For all subjects, response rates were lowest around S(D)p and increased towards the SD end of the continuum. Because testing included only one or two lines beyond S(D), this pattern did not rule out S(D) generalization. Thus, in Experiment 2, stimuli beyond S(D) were added to generalization tests. Response rates did not decrease as a function of distance from S(D), clarifying the demonstration of punishment generalization.     

Self-efficacy,nicotine-fading/self-monitoring and cigarette-smoking behaviour

An attempt to replicate and extend the successful results of Foxx and Brown's (1979) nicotine-fading, self-monitoring procedure for smoking abstinence or controlled smoking was undertaken using a combination of their procedure and cognitive-behavioural interventions. The latter consisted of: (1) a variation of Meichenbaum's (1977) self-instructional training and (2) a simple, direct manipulation of Bandura's (1977) concept of self-efficacy. Evidence was found to support Foxx and Brown's (1979) procedure with respect to reduced smoking rate and nicotine/tar intake. Combinations of treatments did not result in an enhancement of these effects. However, with respect to smoking abstinence, comparable results were only found in groups receiving specific training in self-efficacy. It was suggested that the variability of findings in this study as well as those in the literature subsequent and relating to Foxx and Brown's (1979) procedure might be accounted for using Bandura's (1977) self-efficacy concept.     

CONTINGENT REINFORCEMENT FOR CARBON MONOXIDE REDUCTION: WITHIN-SUBJECT EFFECTS OF PAY AMOUNT

The relationship between reinforcer amount and daytime smoking reduction in smokers offered money for reduced afternoon breath carbon monoxide (CO) levels was examined. Twenty-three hired regular smokers with average baseline CO levels of about 30 ppm were exposed in random order to five sliding scale payment schedules that changed daily or weekly. Money was available for afternoon CO readings between 0 and 21 ppm with pay amount inversely related to the absolute CO reading obtained. Maximum pay amount for readings below 7 ppm varied among $0, $1.50, $3, $6, and $12 per day. Contingent reinforcement promoted CO and daytime cigarette reduction within individuals with the amount of behavior change related to the amount of payment available. Average CO levels decreased from 30 to 15 ppm as a function of pay amount whereas self-reported daytime cigarettes decreased from 12 to 5 per day. Average minutes of cigarette abstinence prior to the afternoon study contact increased from 62 to 319 minutes as a function of pay amount, whereas the percentage of available money earned increased from 22% to 48%. Nontargeted evening cigarette use also decreased during periods of daytime smoking reduction. The orderly effects of this contingent reinforcement intervention on daytime smoking of regular smoker volunteers suggest that this is a sensitive model for continued evaluation of factors that influence smoking reduction and cessation.     

A Comparison of Escalating Versus Fixed Reinforcement Schedules on Undergraduate Quiz Taking

Drug abstinence studies indicate that escalating reinforcement schedules maintain abstinence for longer periods than fixed reinforcement schedules. The current study evaluated whether escalating reinforcement schedules would maintain more quiz taking than fixed reinforcement schedules. During baseline and for the control group, bonus points were distributed on random days for attending class. Following baseline, students in the fixed reinforcement section received 5 bonus points for each quiz completed while students in the escalating reinforcement received 3 bonus points for the first quiz with an increase of 0 or 1 point for each consecutive quiz completed. Results indicated that the escalating reinforcement schedule maintained quiz taking significantly longer than the fixed reinforcement schedule. The control group took the fewest number of quizzes. Students with good attendance took significantly more quizzes under the escalating reinforcement schedule than students with good attendance exposed to the fixed reinforcement schedule or control condition. This study demonstrates a potential novel application for escalating reinforcement schedules. Results indicate that escalating reinforcement schedules may be successfully applied to academic settings, but more research is needed.     

不确定性容忍度对跨期选择的影响及其情景依赖性

采用2(不确定性容忍度：高、低)×2(跨期日期：今天/14天、今天/180天)×2(延迟奖赏值：200元、1000元)混合实验设计,探讨不同任务特征下不确定性容忍度对跨期选择的影响。结果表明：跨期日期为180天时,不确定性容忍度主效应边缘显著;不确定性容忍度与延迟奖赏值交互作用显著：在200元时低容忍度个体对延迟奖赏的折扣程度大于高容忍度个体,在1000元时无此效应;跨期日期为14天时,不确定性容忍度的主效应及其与延迟奖赏值交互作用均不显著。这表明,不确定性容忍度对跨期选择存在影响,但这种影响受到跨期日期和延迟奖赏值的调节,具有情景依赖性。     

Sex Differences in Social Support and Self-Efficacy Within a Recovery Community

This study examined similarities and differences in social support and self-efficacy for abstinence between women and men recovering from substance addiction. The sample consisted of 87 residents of Oxford House (OH) self-run, community-based recovery homes. Analyses revealed similarities between women and men in terms of the composition and utilization of support networks and abstinence self-efficacy. Also, for both sexes, length of residency in OH was significantly related to decreased social support for alcohol and drug use and increased self-efficacy for abstinence. However, multiple-group SEM analyses demonstrated that social support for alcohol/drug use fully mediated the link between length of residency and abstinence self-efficacy for women, but not for men. Findings suggest that the process of gaining self-efficacy to remain abstinent is distinct for women and men, and that social support plays a different role in women's recovery than it does in men's.     

Raising the Price of Agreement: Public Commitment and the Lowball Compliance Procedure1

Three studies examined the effect on compliance when a requester raises the price of the request. Participants in Experiment 1 were told that they would receive a free coffee mug for donating money to a fundraiser but were interrupted before they could respond and were told that the fundraisers were out of mugs. These participants were less likely to donate money than a group told nothing about the mugs. Experiments 2 and 3 compared this interruption procedure with the lowball procedure, which also uses a small‐to‐large price progression. The results from these two studies indicate that allowing people to respond to the initial price is critical for producing the lowball effect. Without a statement of public commitment, the small‐to‐large price progression led to a decrease rather than an increase in compliance relative to a control group.     

Changes in Hypothesized Mechanisms of Change Before and After Initiating Abstinence in Cognitive-Behavioral Therapy for Women With Alcohol Use Disorder

Abstinence self-efficacy, coping skills, and therapeutic alliance are hypothesized mechanisms of behavioral change (MOBCs) in cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) for alcohol use disorder (AUD). However, little is known about when these hypothesized MOBCs change during treatment or in relation to the initiation of abstinence from alcohol, which the current study investigated. Patient-reported abstinence self-efficacy, drinking-related coping skills, and therapeutic alliance were measured at every session throughout a 12-session clinical trial that previously showed equivalent drinking reductions in female-specific individual- and group-based CBT for AUD. Participants (N = 121 women) were classified into subgroups based on whether and when they first initiated 14 days of continuous abstinence from alcohol during treatment. Interrupted time-series analyses evaluated the magnitude and timing of change in MOBC variables in relation to the initiation of abstinence. All three MOBC measures showed gradual improvements throughout treatment (within-subjects d = 0.03 to 0.09 change per week). Participants who initiated abstinence during treatment experienced additional sudden improvements in abstinence self-efficacy (d = 0.47) and coping skills (d = 0.27), but not therapeutic alliance (d = -0.02), the same week they initiated abstinence. Participants who were already abstinent when treatment started maintained higher abstinence self-efficacy and coping skills, but not therapeutic alliance, throughout treatment compared to participants who never initiated abstinence. Initiating abstinence may help facilitate improvements in abstinence self-efficacy and drinking-related coping skills. Clinicians may help patients anticipate when and how much these variables are expected to improve during treatment and encourage initiation of abstinence to potentially help facilitate improvements in abstinence self-efficacy and coping skills.     

‘Numerical trap’. A new look at outcome representation in studies on choice behaviour

In almost all experimental studies on choice behaviour the consequences of choices are limited to denumerable goods (usually money) and represented in a numerical way. It is argued that a different way of representing consequences would cause differences in social orientations. In an exploratory study (1) the kind of consequences (money, satisfaction with money and satisfaction with the situation) and (2) the way of representing consequences (numbers, rectangles, and faces) were varied. No differences were found between the three kinds of consequences represented by rectangles. Representation of money by numbers did not differ from representation of money by rectangles. However, subjects in the condition in which satisfaction with money was represented by faces were more cooperative and altruistic and less equality-oriented than subjects in the corresponding condition in which satisfaction with money was represented by rectangles. Additional correlational analyses showed differences between ways of representing consequences. It was concluded that both for theory and for future research it is important to consider how consequences are represented.     

Further developmental stages of the interest in money

Ferenczi, in his psychoanalytic classic on the ontogenesis (development in the individual) of the interest in money, without designating it as such, traced a phylogenetic or evolutionary sequence that took us by a series of transformations from the anal-cloacal erotism of valuation of a fecal body product (the infant's love of feces) to deodorized (like mud), dehydrated (like sand), decolorized, hardened, smooth (like stones and buttons) fecal substitutes that finally as coins are made to shine. This is to consider money as shiny possessable objects that would be of equal interest to simian species. Surely money can be analogized to other body products; and I have previously suggested (1969) that words also are a treasury of wealth that are valued as body products and also archaically associated with feces. But the youngest of the 18 suburban children in this pilot study seemed already to have related money to the love of their parents and grandparents. Further developmental stages of the human interest in money, here only suggested, appear to proceed as follows: curiosity about money as a belonging of the parents in oedipal-stage grasp of family politics (which may persist if childhood selfishness remains unleavened); money as a reward and exchange in latency trading (whether by boys and girls or grown-up "traders" in the financial "game"); money as a measure of status and class and as an indication of group identity in adolescence (which may persist in senses of group entitlement); and various levels of mature appreciation of money as a system of universal agreement, as a translatable, fungible form of information to register relative value, and as capital, an ingredient of productivity. Further study of the mental stages of the appreciation of money is warranted, but the social context appears unavoidably central. Ultimately money may be purely a mean that finally (harking back to its symbolic body origin) will be fully separated from the self in acts of riddance and gifting that vary from exercising power to loving bestowal (Kolb), and from jealous greed to generosity. Piagetian cognitive stages are exemplified by the children's approach to money at different ages; for example, even in this limited sample there is indication of a principle of conservation of value (here proposed) that appears in latency as an equivalent of the principle of conservation of volume. Neuropsychiatric impairment may lead to increasing concreteness in the representation of money as feces (which I have termed "the return of Ferenczi").(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)     

TREATING OVERWEIGHT CHILDREN THROUGH PARENTAL TRAINING AND CONTINGENCY CONTRACTING1

Fifteen overweight girls aged 5 to 11 yr were randomly assigned to one of two weight-reduction treatments: response-cost plus reinforcement, response-cost only, or a no-treatment control group. In the response-cost plus reinforcement group, parents contracted to facilitate their child's weight loss by carrying out reinforcement and stimulus control techniques, completing weekly charts and graphs, and encouraging their child to exercise. The response-cost only group parents did not contract to reinforce their child's performance. The response-cost program applied to both experimental groups was conducted in weekly meetings in which parents lost previously deposited sums of money. Twenty-five per cent was deducted for missing the weekly meeting, 25% for failing to fill out charts and graphs, and 50% if their child failed to meet her specified weekly weight-loss goal. At the end of the 12-week treatment period, both experimental groups had lost significantly more weight than the control group. After an eight-week, no-contact follow-up, some of the lost weight was regained. The response-cost plus reinforcement group was still significantly below the controls. The response-cost group just missed significance. A 31-week, no-contact follow-up failed to show a treatment effect, but did show a trend towards slower weight gain by the response-cost plus reinforcement group.     

Money as tool, money as drug: the biological psychology of a strong incentive

Why are people interested in money? Specifically, what could be the biological basis for the extraordinary incentive and reinforcing power of money, which seems to be unique to the human species? We identify two ways in which a commodity which is of no biological significance in itself can become a strong motivator. The first is if it is used as a tool, and by a metaphorical extension this is often applied to money: it is used instrumentally, in order to obtain biologically relevant incentives. Second, substances can be strong motivators because they imitate the action of natural incentives but do not produce the fitness gains for which those incentives are instinctively sought. The classic examples of this process are psychoactive drugs, but we argue that the drug concept can also be extended metaphorically to provide an account of money motivation. From a review of theoretical and empirical literature about money, we conclude that (i) there are a number of phenomena that cannot be accounted for by a pure Tool Theory of money motivation; (ii) supplementing Tool Theory with a Drug Theory enables the anomalous phenomena to be explained; and (iii) the human instincts that, according to a Drug Theory, money parasitizes include trading (derived from reciprocal altruism) and object play.     

Effects of acute and prolonged opiate abstinence on extinction behaviour in rats.

We examined the role of withdrawal in relapse to drug-seeking and drug-taking by testing the effects of opiate abstinence on extinction behaviour in rats trained to self-administer heroin. Male Long-Evans rats responded for IV heroin under a heterogeneous chain (VI 120 s; FR 1) schedule in which "seeking" responses preceded a "taking" response which produced a drug infusion. Responding was then measured in extinction during acute (6, 12, and 24 hr) and prolonged (3, 6, 12, and 25 day) abstinence. Sucrose consumption and somatic withdrawal were assessed at each testing period. During acute abstinence, responses on the "drug-seeking" manipulandum increased at 24 hr, whereas responses on the "drug-taking" manipulandum increased at 6 hr. Both responses were elevated during the 12-day abstinence test. Sucrose consumption was reduced and somatic withdrawal scores were increased in opiate-experienced rats at each test period. Results suggest that heroin abstinence has different effects on drug-seeking and drug-taking and that these effects do not temporally coincide with somatic measures of opioid withdrawal.     

金钱崇拜对个体跨期决策偏好的影响

采用经典跨期选择任务范式,以个体的金钱喜好差异为切入点,通过问卷调查和行为实验考察金钱崇拜对个体跨期决策偏好的影响。结果发现:(1)个体的金钱崇拜水平与其跨期折扣倾向显著负相关;(2)无论跨期决策任务的难易和兑现时间的长短,高金钱崇拜者更倾向于选择较大的延迟奖赏,而低金钱崇拜者更倾向于选择较小的即时奖赏;(3)高、低金钱崇拜者的跨期决策反应时没有明显的差异,但二者的反应时都明显地受到任务难度的影响,即在容易条件下的反应速度显著快些。结果表明,个体的金钱崇拜水平在跨期决策过程中发挥着重要的作用,致使高金钱崇拜者更愿意等待延迟大奖赏的到来。     

Optimism, abstinence self-efficacy, and self-mastery: a comparative analysis of cognitive resources

The relationship between optimism, abstinence self-efficacy, and self-mastery was examined by investigating levels of these cognitive resources among two samples of recovering substance abusers: Oxford House residents who attended twelve-step groups and twelve-step members who had never lived in an Oxford House. Participants 'levels of optimism were significantly and positively related to both abstinence self-efficacy and self-mastery scores, as abstinence self-efficacy was significantly and positively related to participants' number of days abstinent. Participants who reported having more than 180 days abstinent reported significantly higher levels of abstinence self-efficacy than participants who reported having less than 180 days abstinent. In addition, among participants who reported having less than 180 days abstinent, Oxford House residents reported significantly higher levels of abstinence self-efficacy than twelve-step members. Overall, findings suggest that cognitive resources facilitate substance abusers' recovery and that the Oxford House model might provide high levels of support in their ongoing abstinence.