小女孩儿的眼睛

钟奇自从收到那张100元的假币之后,心里就很不平衡,决心把它花出去。他去过百货商场,但没敢拿出来,他见售货员既年轻又机敏,每收一张大票,就在眼前仔细辨认;他跑进服装商店,但兜了一圈也出来了,因见收钱的柜台上放着一台验钞机。难道就这样认了不成?他在大街上边走边想办法。     

"气功"是怎么回事?

许多“大师”一出道便是以气功大师为招牌的,因为气功在中国老百姓中有市场。但这些“大师”最后被吹嘘成了“超能力大师”,并且社会活动也超出了练气功的范畴——邪教就是这么发展起来的。那么气功到底是怎么回事呢?     

"气功大师"与老巫婆的悲剧

一、走火入魔的刘大师 这天,我们小镇上的市场大门口围了很多看热闹的人.只听那位须发花白的长者大呼道:"喂,都来看呀,我一掌就能把市场的大门楼子推倒--"说着,他瞪眼跺脚运气发功……     

论"吃亏"

通过一定的个人利益的损缺 ,换来了高于个人利益的整体利益的增进 ,这是“吃亏”的道德价值。除此之外 ,“吃亏”还有相对于“吃亏”者本人的内在价值。在市场经济中 ,纯粹出自经济理性的“吃亏”,是一种明智的、深谋远虑的市场行为选择 ,而以道德理性为依据的“吃亏”,则是市场经济健康发展的必要条件 ,也是市场经济对于人类、对于社会的价值和意义之保障。同时 ,社会又要尽量少让“老实人吃亏”,特别是不能让利己主义者利用老实人的“吃亏”。     

试述英国工党"第三条道路"的历史背景

198 3年以后 ,英国工党进行了内部的改革。工党改革的基础是在公有制与市场、政府在经济活动中的角色、工会与工业关系、福利政策等问题的思想认识上的统一 ,改革的关键是“一人一票制”的建立和党章公有制条款的修改 ,第三条道路理论的提出是改革的必然结果     

"鬼风"、"魔三角"释疑

笔者家在前门西大街8号楼,属于宣武区大栅栏街道辖区,实属首都北京人口最为密集、繁华地区,因天气酷热,故本人买菜多在19时以后出门到紧挨琉璃厂东街的延寿街市场买菜。发现有不少     

探索"第四域"

第四域 (事业域 )是相对独立于市场 (第一域 )、政府 (第二域 )和志愿域 (第三域 )的由社会公共服务运营机构组成的领域 ,目的是试图走一条中间道路 ,将计划体制下政府的公共执行部门———事业部门 ,重构为市场体制下的第四域。本文将布迪厄的场域理论、培尔隆的社会福利场域理论与桑德的关系权力理论 ,整合为论证第四域独立于其它三个域的权力与利益的关系构型理论。构建第四域有几个目的 ,一为推进中国的社会公益事业健康发展 ,二为解决第三部门研究中长期存在的模糊性、含混性的难题 ,三为适应 2 1世纪公共服务供给迅猛增长的需要     

"都市新迷信"现象漫议

当前都市社会隐隐约约地流行着一些新的迷信活动,已经成为时代主旋律中一支不和谐的杂音,干扰着我们科教兴国战略方针的实施。比如:一些经济发达地区的人们愈来愈谨慎地珍惜着已经取得的兴旺的事业和美满的生活,也愈来愈胆战心惊地警惕灾祸的不期而至。为祈福求祥,人们往往把希望寄托在无所不能的神灵及他们的代理人——巫师、术士或风水先生身上。这样,一些江湖骗子便有了招摇撞骗的市场,在他们鼓动之下,一些新的迷信现象又开始抬头,诸如:改名、选号、相宅和驱邪等等歪风邪气便以各种新的面孔、新的包装,在都市生活中登场亮相。     

"入世"后中国消费者教育及其权益保护

加入WTO以后,中国的消费品市场将发生巨大变化,如何使中国百姓在得到实惠的同时自身权益免受侵害,这是一个重大的实践课题.本文对我国消费者在消费活动中易受损害进行了归纳分析,提出要提高消费者应对这种市场变化的能力和综合素质,相关管理机构应重视对国民进行主体性、法制化、国际消费惯例及新消费文化导向的教育.     

方术迷信的"灵验"揭秘

方术作为中华神秘文化的一个重要的组成部分,是一种既不同于宗教又与宗教有联系的企图借助于“鬼神”等神秘力量来消灾免祸、延年益寿、添财加福的可操作性的东西,如八卦术、算命术、风水术、占梦术、测字术、巫术等。 方术尽管是唯心的不可相信的东西,在历代也遭到了一些人的攻击和批判,然而为何屡不绝迹,有时甚至风靡一时、影响很大,即使在今天仍然有其市场呢?其中一个重要的原因在于一些人认为方术“灵验”。 方术“灵验”的原因是什么?到底是哪些因素     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.