Perceptual equivalence of acoustic cues in speech and nonspeech perception

Trading relations show that diverse acoustic consequences of minimal contrasts in speech are equivalent in perception of phonetic categories. This perceptual equivalence received stronger support from a recent finding that discrimination was differentially affected by the phonetic cooperation or conflict between two cues for the /slIt/-/splIt/contrast. Experiment 1 extended the trading relations and perceptual equivalence findings to the /sei/-/stei/contrast. With a more sensitive discrimination test, Experiment 2 found that cue equivalence is a characteristic of perceptual sensitivity to phonetic information. Using “sine-wave analogues” of the /sei/-/stei/stimuli, Experiment 3 showed that perceptual integration of the cues was phonetic, not psychoacoustic, in origin. Only subjects who perceived the sine-wave stimuli as “say” and “stay” showed a trading relation and perceptual equivalence; subjects who perceived them as nonspeech failed to integrate the two dimensions perceptually. Moreover, the pattern of differences between obtained and predicted discrimination was quite similar across the first two experiments and the “say”-“stay” group of Experiment 3, and suggested that phonetic perception was responsible even for better-than-predicted performance by these groups. Trading relations between speech cues, and the perceptual equivalence that underlies them, thus appear to derive specifically from perception of phonetic information.     

Phonetic categorization in auditory word perception

To investigate the interaction in speech perception of auditory information and lexical knowledge (in particular, knowledge of which phonetic sequences are words), acoustic continua varying in voice onset time were constructed so that for each acoustic continuum, one of the two possible phonetic categorizations made a word and the other did not. For example, one continuum ranged between the word dash and the nonword tash; another used the nonword dask and the word task. In two experiments, subjects showed a significant lexical effect--that is, a tendency to make phonetic categorizations that make words. This lexical effect was greater at the phoneme boundary (where auditory information is ambiguous) than at the ends of the condinua. Hence the lexical effect must arise at a stage of processing sensitive to both lexical knowledge and auditory information.     

Measuring the perceptual magnet effect in the perception of /i/ by German listeners

In a study of the internal category structure of the vowel /i/, Kuhl found a “perceptual magnet effect”: Discrimination sensitivity was poorer for category instances that were acoustically similar to the category prototype than it was for category instances that were not. The typicality of category exemplars was determined by goodness judgments and was found to correlate with the acoustics of average production. Analysis and interpretation of discrimination performance relied on two important assumptions: that listeners perceived all stimuli presented as exemplars of the same vowel category and that, apart from the influence of phonetic coding, discrimination sensitivity was the same across the investigated part of the vowel space. In the present study, it is shown that production and perception estimates of the category prototype may diverge, possibly because listeners seem to prefer hyperarticulated variants of vowel categories. An approach towards measurement of intra-category discrimination minima is put forward and tested that protects against intercategory confounds and avoids the isosensitivity assumption. Received: 26 November 1997 / Accepted: 25 May 1998     

Adults' perception of native and nonnative vowels: implications for the perceptual magnet effect.

Two experiments were conducted to evaluate the perceptual magnet effect. In Experiment 1, American English speakers representing diverse dialects were presented with a fine-grained set of stimuli (varying in just noticeable differences for F1 and F2) and indicated whether they heard "/i/" or "not/i/," thus delimiting the /i/ portion of the vowel space for individual subjects. Then these same subjects selected their own /i/ prototype with a method-of-adjustment procedure. The data from this experiment were used to synthesize customized prototype and nonprototype stimulus sets for Experiment 2. In Experiment 2, 24 of our original 37 subjects completed a discrimination task for each of three conditions, in which vector stimuli varied from the subject's prototype, the nonprototype, or a foreign vowel (/y/) in 15-mel steps. Subjects displayed higher discrimination, as indexed by d', for the nonprototype condition than they did for both the prototype and the foreign conditions. In addition, discrimination was better for variants further away from the referent in each condition. However, discrimination was not especially poor for stimuli close to subjects' individual prototypes--a result that would have yielded the strongest support for the operation of a magnet effect. This negative finding, together with other aspects of our results, raises problems for any theory of vowel perception that relies solely on "one-size-fits-all" prototype representations.     

An investigation of categorical speech discrimination by rhesus monkeys

The categorical discrimination of synthetic human speech sounds by rhesus macaques was examined using the cardiac component of the orienting response. A within-category change which consisted of stimuli differing acoustically in the onset of F2 and F3 transitions, but which are identified by humans as belonging to thesame phonetic category, were responded to differently from a no-change control condition. Stimuli which differed by the same amount in the onset of F2 and F3 transitions, but which human observers identify as belonging toseparate phonetic categories, were differentiated to an even greater degree than the within-category stimuli. The results provide ambiguous data for an articulatory model of human speech perception and are interpreted instead in terms of a feature-detector model of auditory perception.     

Within-category discriminations in speech perception

The assumption that listeners are unaware of the highly encoded acoustic properties which lead to phoneme identification is questioned in the present study. It was found that some subjects can make use of small differences in voice onset time when making within-category discriminations. Subjects who can use these auditory features do so both implicitly (in a phonetic match task) and deliberately (in a physical match task). Results also indicate that some type of parallel process model is needed to account for the processing of auditory and phonetic information.     

Trading relations in the perception of speech by 5-year-old children

Five-year-old children were tested for perceptual trading relations between a temporal cue (silence duration) and a spectral cue (F₁ onset frequency) for the “say-stay” distinction. Identification functions were obtained for two synthetic “say-stay” continua, each containing systematic variations in the amount of silence following the /s/ noise. In one continuum, the vocalic portion had a lower F₁ onset than in the other continuum. Children showed a smaller trading relation than has been found with adults. They did not differ from adults, however, in their perception of an “ay-day” continuum formed by varying F₁ onset frequency only. The results of a discrimination task in which the two acoustic cues were made to “cooperate” or “conflict” phonetically supported the notion of perceptual equivalence of the temporal and spectral cues along a single phonetic dimension. The results indicate that young children, like adults, perceptually integrate multiple cues to a speech contrast in a phonetically relevant manner, but that they may not give the same perceptual weights to the various cues as do adults.     

Influence of shape on haptic curvature perception

Curvature discrimination of hand-sized doubly curved surfaces by means of static touch was investigated. Stimuli consisted of hyperbolical, cylindrical, elliptical and spherical surfaces of various curvatures. In the first experiment subjects had to discriminate the curvature along a specified orientation (the discrimination orientation) of a doubly curved surface from a flat surface. The curvature to be discriminated was oriented either along the middle finger or across the middle finger of the right hand. Independent of the shape of the surface, thresholds were found to be about 1.6 times smaller along the middle finger than across the middle finger. Discrimination biases were found to be strongly influenced by the shape of the surface; subjects judged a curvature to be more convex when the perpendicular curvature was convex than when this curvature was concave. With the results of the second experiment it could be ruled out that the influence of shape on curvature perception was simply due to a systematic error made by the subject regarding the discrimination orientation.     

Segmentation of coarticulated speech in perception

The research investigates how listeners segment the acoustic speech signal into phonetic segments and explores implications that the segmentation strategy may have for their perception of the (apparently) context-sensitive allophones of a phoneme. Two manners of segmentation are contrasted. In one, listeners segment the signal into temporally discrete, context-sensitive segments. In the other, which may be consistent with the talker’s production of the segments, they partition the signal into separate, but overlapping, segments freed of their contextual influences. Two complementary predictions of the second hypothesis are tested. First, listeners will use anticipatory coarticulatory information for a segment as information for the forthcoming segment. Second, subjects will not hear anticipatory coarticulatory information as part of the phonetic segment with which it co-occurs in time. The first hypothesis is supported by findings on a choice reaction time procedure; the second is supported by findings on a 4IAX discrimination test. Implications of the findings for theories of speech production, perception, and of the relation between the two are considered.     

3-D shape perception

In this paper, we analyze and test three theories of 3-D shape perception: (1) Helmholtzian theory, which assumes that perception of the shape of an object involves reconstructing Euclidean structure of the object (up to size scaling) from the object’s retinal image after taking into account the object’s orientation relative to the observer, (2) Gibsonian theory, which assumes that shape perception involves invariants (projective or affine) computed directly from the object’s retinal image, and (3) perspective invariants theory, which assumes that shape perception involves a new kind of invariants of perspective transformation. Predictions of these three theories were tested in four experiments. In the first experiment, we showed that reliable discrimination between a perspective and nonperspective image of a random polygon is possible even when information only about the contour of the image is present. In the second experiment, we showed that discrimination performance did not benefit from the presence of a textured surface, providing information about the 3-D orientation of the polygon, and that the subjects could not reliably discriminate between the 3-D orientation of the textured surface and that of a shape. In the third experiment, we compared discrimination for solid shapes that either had flat contours (cuboids) or did not have visible flat contours (cylinders). The discrimination was very reliable in the case of cuboids but not in the case of cylinders. In the fourth experiment, we tested the effectiveness of planar motion in perception of distances and showed that the discrimination threshold was large and similar to thresholds when other cues to 3-D orientation were used. All these results support perspective invariants as a model of 3-D shape perception.     

Characterizing the influence of native language experience on adult speech perception.

Previous cross-language research has indicated that some speech contrasts present greater perceptual difficulty for adult non-native listeners than others do. It has been hypothesized that phonemic, phonetic, and acoustic factors contribute to this variability. Two experiments were conducted to evaluate systematically the role of phonemic status and phonetic familiarity in the perception of non-native speech contrasts and to test predictions derived from a model proposed by Best, McRoberts, and Sithole (1988). Experiment 1 showed that perception of an unfamiliar phonetic contrast was not less difficult for subjects who had experience with an analogous phonemic distinction in their native language than for subjects without such analogous experience. These results suggest that substantive phonetic experience influences the perception of non-native contrasts, and thus should contribute to a conceptualization of native language-processing skills. In Experiment 2, English listeners' perception of two related nonphonemic place contrasts was not consistently different as had been expected on the basis of phonetic familiarity. A clear order effect in the perceptual data suggests that interactions between different perceptual assimilation patterns or acoustic properties of the two contrasts, or interactions involving both of these factors, underlie the perception of the two contrasts in this experiment. It was concluded that both phonetic familiarity and acoustic factors are potentially important to the explanation of variability in perception of nonphonemic contrasts. The explanation of how linguistic experience shapes speech perception will require characterizing the relative contribution of these factors, as well as other factors, including individual differences and variables that influence a listener's orientation to speech stimuli.     

Characterizing the influence of native language experience on adult speech perception

Previous cross-language research has indicated that some speech contrasts present greater perceptual difficulty for adult non-native listeners than others do. It has been hypothesized that phonemic, phonetic, and acoustic factors contribute to this variability. Two experiments were conducted to evaluate systematically the role of phonemic status and phonetic familiarity in the perception of non-native speech contrasts and to test predictions derived from a model proposed by Best, McRoberts, and Sithole (1988). Experiment 1 showed that perception of an unfamiliar phonetic contrast was not less difficult for subjects who had experience with an analogous phonemic distinction in their native language than for subjects without such analogous experience. These results suggest that substantive phonetic experience influences the perception of non-native contrasts, and thus should contribute to a conceptualization of native language-processing skills. In Experiment 2, English listeners’ perception of two related nonphonemic place contrasts was not consistently different as had been expected on the basis of phonetic familiarity. A clear order effect in the perceptual data suggests that interactions between different perceptual assimilation patterns or acoustic properties of the two contrasts, or interactions involving both of these factors, underlie the perception of the two contrasts in this experiment. It was concluded that both phonetic familiarity and acoustic factors are potentially important to the explanation of variability in perception of nonphonemic contrasts. The explanation of how linguistic experience shapes speech perception will require characterizing the relative contribution of these factors, as well as other factors, including individual differences and variables that influence a listener’s orientation to speech stimuli.     

Extending formant transitions may not improve aphasics'' perception of stop consonant place of articulation

Synthetic speech stimuli were used to investigate whether aphasics' ability to perceive stop consonant place of articulation was enhanced by the extension of initial formant transitions in CV syllables. Phoneme identification and discrimination tests were administered to 12 aphasic patients, 5 fluent and 7 nonfluent. There were no significant differences in performance due to the extended transitions, and no systematic pattern of performance due to aphasia type. In both groups, discrimination was generally high and significantly better than identification, demonstrating that auditory capacity was retained, while phonetic perception was impaired; this result is consistent with repeated demonstrations that auditory and phonetic processes may be dissociated in normal listeners. Moreover, significant rank order correlations between performances on the Token Test and on both perceptual tasks suggest that impairment on these tests may reflect a general cognitive rather than a language-specific deficit.     

声旁类型与频率在汉字和部件识别中的交互作用

用识别整字和识别部件两种任务探讨两种声旁频率——组字频率和使用频率的作用。结果发现：在局部识别中声旁使用频率的影响和部件类型有交互作用。声旁使用频率对识别汉字单部件声旁有易化作用。声旁组字频率的影响和部件类型有交互作用。声旁组字频率对识别汉字多部件组合声旁有易化作用。在整字识别中,声旁的使用频率有易化作用;声旁的组字频率的作用受到部件类型的影响,多部件组合声旁的组字频率对识别整字有易化作用。     

Performance of dyslexic children on speech perception tests

Several researchers who have compared the performance of dyslexic and normal-reading children on a variety of different tasks have suggested that dyslexic children may have subtle deficits in the phonemic analysis of spoken as well as written language. Thus it is of interest to know how children who have extraordinary difficulty learning to read can perform explicity auditory-phonetic tasks. Seventeen dyslexic children (10 years of age) and a group of 17 controls were administered tests of identification and discrimination of synthesized voiced stop consonants differing in place of articulation. These were tests of the type used to study categorical perception in adults, adapted for use with young children. Significant differences between dyslexics and controls were found in both kinds of tasks; the pattern of identification and discrimination differences suggests an inconsistency in the dyslexics' phonetic classification of auditory cues. A significant relationship was found between reading level and speech discrimination.     

Auditory evoked potential correlates of speech sound discrimination

An electrophysiological correlate of the discrimination of stop consonants drawn from within and across phonetic categories was investigated by an auditory evoked response (AER) technique. Ss were presented a string of stimuli from the phonetic category [ba] (the standard stimulus) and were asked to detect the occurrence of a stimulus from the same phonetic category (within-category shift), or the occurrence of a stimulus from a different phonetic category [pa] (across-category shift). Both the across- and within-category shift stimuli differed equally from the standard stimulus in the time of onset of the first formant and in the amount of aspiration in the second and third formants. The NIP2 response of the AER was larger to the across-category shift than to the within-category shift. The within-category shift did not differ from a no-shift control. These findings suggest (1) that the AER can reflect the relative discriminability of stop consonants drawn from the same or different phonetic categories in a manner similar to other behavioral measures; (2) that the detailed acoustic representation of stop consonants is transformed into a categorized phonetic representation within 200 msec after stimulus onset.     

Voice onset time perception in Japanese aphasic patients

This study examines identification of the synthetic speech stimuli [ga] and [ka] of varying voice onset times (VOTs) in 17 Japanese aphasic subjects. Approximately two-thirds of the aphasic subjects showed deterioration in performance of VOT identification of the stimuli. A quantitative analysis of the results indicates that the problems of the majority of these subjects may be attributable not only to difficulty in labeling the stimuli but also to difficulty in processing the acoustic and/or phonetic information of the stimuli.     

Automatic and attentional components in perception of shape-at-a-slant

In perceiving shape-at-a-slant it is assumed that a sequence of operations is executed. The aim of these experiments was to determine the extent to which execution of these operations requires allocation of attention. Three hypotheses were considered: zero automaticity--that all of the operations require attention; partial automaticity--that the operations culminating in a representation of projective shape and slant-in-depth are automatic while the combinatorial operations culminating in a distally correlated shape require attention; full automaticity--that the entire sequence of operations is automatic, proceeding without allocation of attention. To decide among these hypotheses, subjects performed forced-choice shape recognition tests under two conditions: In the shape-directed condition subjects were motivated to process shape. In the numerosity-directed condition subjects were motivated to direct attention to discrimination of numerosity, thereby causing attention to be diverted from processing of shape. Examination of the pattern of choices on the recognition test showed results that conformed best to the hypothesis of partial automaticity.     

Categorical perception depends on the discrimination task

Speech sounds are said to be perceived categorically. This notion is usually operationalized as the extent to which discrimination of stimuli is predictable from phoneme classification of the same stimuli. In this article, vowel continua were presented to listeners in a four-interval discrimination task (2IFC with flankers, or 4I2AFC) and a classification task. The results showed that there was no indication of categorical perception at all, since observed discrimination was found not to be predictable from the classification data. Variation in design, such as different step sizes or longer interstimulus intervals, did not affect this outcome, but a 2IFC experiment (without flankers, or 2I2AFC) involving the same stimuli elicited the traditional categorical results. These results indicate that the four-interval task made it difficult for listeners to use phonetic information and, hence, that categorical perception may be a function of the type of task used for discrimination.     

Cognitive influences on cross-language speech perception in infancy

Previous research has shown that young infants can discriminate both native and nonnative phonetic contrasts with ease. By 10 to 12 months of age, however, infants—like adults—typically have difficulty discriminating consonant contrasts that are not used to distinguish meaning in their native language. Although the timing of this change in speech perception has been firmly established, little is currently known about the processes or mechanisms involved in this selective and adaptive reorganization in nonnative phonetic discrimination. This study was designed to determine if there is a relation between age-related changes in speech perception performance and other developing cognitive abilities. A total of 40 8- to 10-month-old infants were tested on a nonnative consonant discrimination task and then on two additional tasks (a visual categorization task and an object search task) in an attempt to determine whether changes in nonnative consonant perception coincide with changes in these other areas of cognitive/perceptual functioning. The results indicate that changes in task performance occur in synchrony across all three tasks, and that this synchrony is not explained by simple age effects. These findings suggest that domain-general cognitive/perceptual competencies may influence developmental changes in speech perception by the end of the 1st year of life.