Simple and contingent adaptation effects for place of articulation in stop consonants

Experiments on selective adaptation have shown that the locus of the phonetic category boundary between two segments shifts after repetitive listening to an adapting stimulus. Theoretical interpretations of these results have proposed that adaptation occurs either entirely at an auditory level of processing or at both auditory and more abstract phonetic levels. The present experiment employed two alternating stimuli as adaptors in an attempt to distinguish between these two possible explanations. Two alternating stimuli were used as adaptors in order to test for the presence of contingent effects and to compare these results to simple adaptation using only a single adaptor. Two synthetic CV series with different vowels that varied the place of articulation of the consonant were employed. When two alternating adaptors were used, contingent adaptation effects were observed for the two stimulus series. The direction of the shifts in each series was governed by the vowel context of the adapting syllables. Using the single adaptor data, a comparison was made between the additive effects of the single adaptors and their combined effects when presented in alternating pairs. With voiced adaptors, only within-series adaptation effects were found, and these data were consistent with a on,level model of selective adaptation. However, for the voiceless adaptors, both within- and cross-series adaptation effects were found, suggesting the possible presence of two levels of adaptation to place of articulation. Further, the contingent adaptation effects with the voiceless adaptors seemed to be the result of the additive effects of the two alternating adaptors. This result indicates that previously reported contingent adaptation results may also reflect the net vowel specific adaptation effects after cancellation of other, nonvowel dependent effects and that caution is needed in interpreting such results.     

Auditory property detectors and processing place features in stop consonants

The effects of selective adaptation on the perception of consonant-vowel (CV) stimuli varying in place of production was studied under two conditions. In the first condition, repeated presentation of a CV syllable produced an adaptation effect resulting in a shift in the locus of the phonetic boundary between [ba] and [da]. This result replicated previously reported findings. However, in the second condition, an adaptation effect was obtained on this same test series when the critical acoustic information (i.e., formant transitions) was present in final position of a VC speech-like syllable. These latter results support an auditory account of selective adaptation based on the spectral similarity of the adapting stimuli and test series rather than a more abstract linguistic account based on phonetic identity.     

The selective adaptation effects of burst-cued stops

One of the most compelling arguments that selective adaptation affects a phonetic level of processing is the demonstration that adaptation with burst-cued stimuli (which have no formant transitions) affects the perception of transition-cued stimuli (which have formant transitions but no bursts). Experiment 1 showed that adaptation with burst-cued [pi] and [ti] affects the perception of a (transition-cued) [mi-ni] test series, as well as a [bi-di] test series. Inasmuch as nasals never contain bursts, this demonstrates that the adaptation effect of burst-cued stops is not limited to those stimuli which normally contain bursts. If adaptation with burst-cued stops affects the perception of transition-cued stops at a more central, phonetic level of processing, their adaptation effect should transfer interaurally completely. Experiment 2 showed that the adaptation effect of both burst and transition-cued stops transfers interaurally only about one-third. These results suggest that the adaptation effect of burstcued stops is mediated by the fatigue of peripheral auditory detectors which are sensitive to both bursts and formant transitions.     

Comparison of consonantal and vocalic cues in selective adaptation

The acoustic cues to the phonetic identity of diphthongs normally include both spectral quality and dynamic change. This fact was exploited in a series of selective adaptation experiments examining the possibility of mutual adaptive effects between these two types of acoustic cues. One continuum of syllables varying from [εi] to [εd] and another varying from [ε] to [εi] were synthesized; endpoint stimuli of both series used as adaptors caused identification boundaries to be shifted. Cross-series adaptation was also attempted on the [ε?εi] stimuli, using [?], [∞], and [ai]. Only [ai] proved effective as an adaptor, suggesting the mediation of a rather abstract auditory level of similarity. The results argue strongly against interpretations in terms of feature detectors, but appear compatible with an “auditory contrast” explanation, which might in turn be incorporated within adaptation level theory in the form recently discussed by Restle (1978). The cross-series results further suggest that selective adaptation might be used to quantify the perceptual distance between auditory cues in speech.     

Perceptual invariance for stop consonants in different positions

The basis for the invariant perception of place of articulation in pre- and postvocalic stops was investigated using the selective adaptation paradigm. Experiments 1 and 2 considered the role of identical bursts, mirror-image formant transitions, and similar onset and offset spectra in the invariant perception of place of articulation in CV and VC stimuli, and Experiment 3 considered the importance of the second two cues in a VCV context. The results of these experiments suggest that, at the level of processing tapped by selective adaptation, neither identical bursts, mirror-image formant transitions, nor similar onset and offset spectra are the basis for the invariant perception of place of articulation in initial and final position. The vowel portion of an adapter was found to affect perception of the consonant portion of a stimulus, and the direction of this effect was predictable from the acoustic characteristics of the consonant and vowel. The implications of these findings for the nature of selective adaptation are discussed.     

Adaptation of speech by nonspeech: evidence for complex acoustic cue detectors

Three selective adaptation experiments were run, using nonspeech stimuli (music and noise) to adapt speech continua ([ba]-[wa] and [cha]-[sha]). The adaptors caused significant phoneme boundary shifts on the speech continua only when they matched in periodicity: Music stimuli adapted [ba]-[wa], whereas noise stimuli adapted [cha]-[sha]. However, such effects occurred even when the adaptors and test continua did not match in other simple acoustic cues (rise time or consonant duration). Spectral overlap of adaptors and test items was also found to be unnecessary for adaptation. The data support the existence of auditory processors sensitive to complex acoustic cues, as well as units that respond to more abstract properties. The latter are probably at a level previously thought to be phonetic. Asymmetrical adaptation was observed, arguing against an opponent-process arrangement of these units. A two-level acoustic model of the speech perception process is offered to account for the data.     

Selective adaptation effects on end-point stimuli in a speech series

Recent experiments in speech perception using the selective adaptation paradigm have found that the phonetic boundary of a test series shifts following adaptation. However, no changes within the phonetic category have been found. In the present experiment, a series of voiced CV syllables which varied along the feature of place was used in a selective adaptation paradigm. The end-point stimuli trom the test series were used as adaptors. Subjects used a 6-point rating scale to respond to the stimuli instead of the usual two-category identification. The average rating for end-point stimuli from the same category as the adaptor, as well as the boundary stimuli, shifted as a function of adaptation. In all cases, the average rating response shifted toward that of the unadapted category. The average rating for stimuli in the opposite category from that of the adaptor remained relatively unchanged. These results indicate that the entire category of the adapting stimulus changes as a function of selective adaptation and that the effect is not confined to stimuli near the phonetic boundary.     

Vowel-contingent feature detection

Do vowel-contingent selective adaptation effects for place of articulation depend on vowel identity, or on the particular formant frequencies used? An experiment is reported here which tested the adaptation effects of consonants with exactly the same formant transitions before different diphthongs. In this experiment, the phonetic identity of the vowel and the formant frequencies of the consonant are not confounded as they have been in previous studies. In the contingent adaptation condition, no phoneme boundary shifts were observed, and this is interpreted along with previous evidencefor such phoneme boundary shifts when phonetic identity of the vowel and formant frequencies are confounded as indicating that adaptation operates on the spectral representation of the stimulus. Other evidence consistent with this conclusion is that adaptation with alternating adaptors from each end of the test series produced negligible shifts, and that a single adaptor from a diphthong series different from that of the test series produced phoneme boundary shifts as large as those with a single adaptor from the same test series.     

Selective adaptation of vowels

Two experiments investigating the selective adaptation of vowels examined changes in listeners’ identification functions for the vowel continuum [i-I-∈] as a function of the adapting stimulus. In Experiment I, the adapting stimuli were [i], [I], and [∈]. Both the [i] and [∈] stimuli produced significant shifts in the neighboringand distant phonetic boundaries, whereas [I] did not result in any adaptation effects. In order to explore the phonetic nature of feature adaptation in vowels, a second experiment was conducted using the adapting stimuli [gig] and [g ∈ g], which differed acoustically from the [i] and [∈] vowels on the identification continuum. Only [gig] yielded reliable adaptation effects. The results of these experiments were interpreted as suggesting arelative rather than a stableauditory mode of feature analysis in vowels and a possibly more complex auditory feature analysis for the vowel [i].     

A further parallel between selective adaptation and contrast

It is generally believed that selective adaptation effects in speech perception are due to a reduction in sensitivity of auditory feature detectors. Recent evidence suggest that these effects may derive instead from contrast. In a further test of the contrast hypothesis, we conducted two experiments each involving both adaptation and contrast sessions with matching stimulus sets. During the adaptation sessions of Experiment 1, subjects identified two series of velar stimuli varying in voice onset time, [ga]-[kha] and [gi]-[khi], before and after adaptation with of the following stimuli: [ga], [kha], [gi], and [khi]. In the contrast session, subjects identified either of two ambiguous test items (drawn from near the phonetic boundaries of the [ga]-[kha] and the [gi]-[khi] series) following a single presentation of [ga], [kha], [gi], or [khi]. For both the adaptation and contrast sessions, (a) the [--a] test items were more greatly affected (in a contrast direction) by the [--a] than by the [--i] adaptor/context stimuli, and (b) the [--i] test items were not differentially affected by the [--1] and [--i] adaptor/context stimuli. An analogous design was used in Experiment 2, except that the stimulus sets varied in pitch rather than vowel quality. For both the adaptation and contrast sessions, the test items were not differentially affected by the pitch of the adaptor/context stimulus. These parallel results provide further evidence that adaptation effects are actually a form of contrast.     

Contextual effects in vowel perception I: Anchor-induced contrast effects

Results from recent experiments using a selective adaption paradigm with vowels have been interpreted as the result of the fatigue of a set of feature detectors. These results could also be interpreted, however, as resulting from changes in auditory memory (auditory contrast) or changing response criteria (response bias). In the present studies, subjects listened to vowels under two conditions: an equiprobable control, with each of the stimuli occurring equally often, and an anchoring condition, with one vowel occurring more often than any of the others. Contrast effects were found in that vowel category boundaries tended to shift toward the category of the anchor, relative to the equiprobable control. Results from these experiments were highly similar to previous selective adaptation results and suggest that neither feature detector fatigue nor response criterion changes can adequately account for the adaptation/ anchoring results found with vowels.     

Auditory and phonetic processes in place perception for stops

Use of the selective adaptation procedure with speech stimuli has led to a number of theoretical positions with regard to the level or levels of processing affected by adaptation. Recent experiments (i.e., Sawusch & Jusczyk, 1981) have, however, yielded strong evidence that only auditory coding processes are affected by selective adaptation. In the present experiment, a test series that varied along the phonetic dimension of place of articulation for stops ([da]-[ga]) was used in conjunction with a [ska] syllable that shared the phonetic value of velar with the [ga] end of the test series but had a spectral structure that closely matched a stimulus from the [da] end of the series. As an adaptor, the [ska] and Ida] stimuli produced identical effects, whereas in a paired-comparison procedure, the [ska] produced effects consistent with its phonetic label. These results offer further support for the contention that selective adaptation affects only the auditory coding of speech, whereas the paired-comparison procedure affects only the phonetic coding of speech. On the basis of these results and previous place-adaptation results, a process model of speech perception is described.     

Susceptibility of a stop consonant to adaptation on a speech-nonspeech continuum: Further evidence against feature detectors in speech perception

The present experiment uses the perceptual adaptation paradigm to establish the validity of a previous test of the feature detector model of speech perception. In the present study, a synthetic stimulus series varied from a CV syllable, [ba], to a nonspeech buzz. When the endpoint tokens were employed alternatively as adaptors, the category boundary was shifted relative to unadapted identification in each adaptor condition. This result suggests that a prior test which used a vowel as the speech endpoint was legitimate because a stop consonant, an exemplary speech sound, was also susceptible to perceptual adaptation in a speech-nonspeech context. Feature detector models predict, incorrectly, that this outcome is impossible. Therefore, this finding may be taken to undermine the interpretation of adaptation as fatigue in a set of detectors tuned to detect the distinctive features of linguistic analysis.     

Acoustic feature analysis in the perception of voicing contrasts

Various types of acoustic cues have been shown to signal voicing contrasts in initial prestressed stop consonants. Two of the most important of these cues are the time interval between the release burst and the onset of voicing (voice onset time) and the duration of voiced transitions. In the present experiment, a selective adaptation procedure was used to investigate possible feature extraction mechanisms which underlie the perception of voicing. Subjects first identified either of two series of test stimuli, [ba-p^ha) or [ga-k^ha]. Next they listened to repeated presentations of an adapting stimulus and then again identified the original test series. Adapting stimuli having the same value of voice onset time but different voiced transition durations produced differential (and sometimes opposite) effects on the identification of the test stimuli. In every case, the adapting stimulus with the greater duration of voiced transitions led to larger reduction in voiced responses or to a smaller increase in voiceless responses. These results are incompatible with models of voicing perception based strictly on detectors for voice onset time. The results also suggest that the adaptation effect occurs at a point in the system prior to the actual phonetic decision.     

Audiovisual presentation demonstrates that selective adaptation in speech perception is purely auditory

MRC Institute of Hearing Research, University of Nottingham, Nottingham NG72RD, England Both auditory and phonetic processes have been implicated by previous results from selective adaptation experiments using speech stimuli. It has proved difficult to dissociate their individual contributions because the auditory and phonetic structure of conventional acoustical stimuli are mutually predictive. In the present experiment, the necessary dissociation was achieved by using an audiovisual adaptor consisting of an acoustical [b?] synchronized to a video recording of a talker uttering the syllable [g?]. This stimulus was generally identified as one of the dentals [d?] or [??]. It produced an adaptation effect, measured with an acoustical [b?-d?] test continuum, identical in size and direction to that produced by an acoustical [b?]—an adaptor sharing its acoustical structure—and opposite in direction to that produced by an acoustical [d?]—an adaptor sharing its perceived phonetic identity. Thus, the result strongly suggests that auditory rather than phonetic levels of processing are influenced in selective adaptation.     

Discrimination of intensity differences on format transitions in and out of syllable context

The Ss were presented pairs of stimuli, /bae/s, /ae/s, or isolated transitions from /bae/s, which differed in the initial 60 msec of the signals by 0, 7.5, or 9 dB. In the syllable context, the intensity differences were discriminated essentially at chance; in both the vowel and isolated transition conditions, the intensity differences were discriminated essentially perfectly. This outcome suggests that after the acoustic features of a stop-consonant/vowel syllable have been recorded into a phonetic representation, the acoustic information is relatively inaccessible for recall from auditory short-term memory.     

Perceptual integration and differentiation of spectral cues for intervocalic stop consonants

The place of articulation of intervocalic stop consonants is conveyed by temporally distributed spectral information, viz, the formant transitions preceding and following the silent closure interval (VC and CV transitions). Experiment 1 shows that more than 200 msec of silent closure is needed to hear VC and CV formant transitions as separate phonemic events (geminate stops). As closure duration is reduced, these cues are integrated into a single phonemic percept, and the VC transitions become increasingly redundant (Experiments 2 and 3). VC and CV transitions conveying different places of articulation, on the other hand, are heard as separate phonemes at closure durations as short as 100 msec. If closure duration is further reduced, a single stop is heard whose place of articulation corresponds to the CV transitions (Experiment 3). Even in the absence of CV transitions, VC transitions carry little perceptual weight at very short closure durations (Experiment 4). Despite their apparent redundancy, however, the VC transitions exert a positive bias on the perception of CV transitions at very short closure durations. At closure durations beyond 100 msec, on the other hand, VC and CV transitions interact contrastively in perception and tend to be heard as different phonemes (Experiments 5 and 6). The results of these experiments suggest two different processes of temporal integration in phonetic perception, one taking place at a precategorical level, the other combining identical phoneme categories within a certain time span.     

Phonetic prototypes

Speech perception may be viewed as a phonetic categorization task in which the listener assigns incoming sounds to various phonetic categories. The present experiment tests two classes of models of phonetic categorization: (1) models in which the listener has a threshold or boundary between alternative categories vs. (2) models in which the listener compares the input to prototypical representations of the alternative phones. In a pretest, listeners located on a VOT continuum the /ga/ that they thought was prototypical. Selective adaptation was then conducted using both the selected prototype and adaptors nearer and further from the phoneme boundary. The prototype adaptor produced more adaptation than the other adaptors. This result supports a prototype-based representation for phonetic categorization; several process models using such a representation are considered.     

Extending formant transitions may not improve aphasics'' perception of stop consonant place of articulation

Synthetic speech stimuli were used to investigate whether aphasics' ability to perceive stop consonant place of articulation was enhanced by the extension of initial formant transitions in CV syllables. Phoneme identification and discrimination tests were administered to 12 aphasic patients, 5 fluent and 7 nonfluent. There were no significant differences in performance due to the extended transitions, and no systematic pattern of performance due to aphasia type. In both groups, discrimination was generally high and significantly better than identification, demonstrating that auditory capacity was retained, while phonetic perception was impaired; this result is consistent with repeated demonstrations that auditory and phonetic processes may be dissociated in normal listeners. Moreover, significant rank order correlations between performances on the Token Test and on both perceptual tasks suggest that impairment on these tests may reflect a general cognitive rather than a language-specific deficit.     

Adaptation of the category boundary between speech and nonspeech: A case against feature detectors

Two experiments were performed employing acoustic continua which change from speech to nonspeech. The members of one continuum, synthesized on the Pattern Playback, varied in the bandwidths of the first three formants in equal steps of change, from the vowel /α/ to a nonspeech buzz. The other continuum, achieved through digital synthesis, varied in the bandwidths of the first five formants, from the vowel /æ/ to a buzz. Identification and discrimination tests were carried out to establish that these continua were perceived categorically. Perceptual adaptation of these continua revealed shifts in the category boundaries comparable to those previously reported for speech sounds. The results were interpreted as suggesting that neither phonetic nor auditory feature detectors are responsible for perceptual adaptation of speech sounds, and that feature detector accounts of speech perception should therefore be reconsidered.