Contextual Strength and the Subordinate Bias Effect: Comment on Martin, Vu, Kellas, and Metcalf

Martin, Vu, Kellas, and Metcalf (this issue) claim to have demonstrated that the subordinate bias effect (when preceding context instantiates the subordinate meaning of an ambiguous word that has a highly dominant meaning, reading time on that word is lengthened) can be eliminated by strong context. They argue that this provides evidence critical to discriminating between competing models of lexical ambiguity resolution: the reordered access model (in which access of meanings for an ambiguous word is exhaustive but in which the order of access is influenced by prior disambiguating context) and the context-sensitive model (in which access is selective in the presence of prior disambiguating information). We argue that there are methodological problems with their demonstration, but even if there were not, it is unclear that the subordinate bias effect is appropriate for discriminating between competing models of lexical ambiguity resolution (the reordered access model and the context-sensitive model). The effect is an empirical finding and not a fundamental tenet of the reordered access model.     

Context and lexical access: implications of nonword interference for lexical ambiguity resolution

To eliminate potential "backward" priming effects, Glucksberg, Kreuz, and Rho (1986) introduced a variant of the cross-modal lexical priming task in which subjects made lexical decisions to nonword targets that were modeled on a word related to either the contextually biased or unbiased sense of an ambiguous word. Lexical decisions to nonwords were longer than controls only when the nonword was related to the contextually biased sense of the ambiguous word, leading Glucksberg et al. to conclude that context does constrain lexical access and that the multiple access pattern observed in previous studies was probably an artifact of backward priming. We did not find nonword interference when the nonword targets used by Glucksberg et al. were preceded by semantically related ambiguous or unambiguous word primes. However, we did replicate their sentence context results when the ambiguous words were removed from the sentences. We conclude that the interference obtained by Glucksberg et al. is due to postlexical judgements of the congruence of the sentence context and the target, not to context constraining lexical access.     

无语境条件下汉语词类歧义词的意义激活

以单字词为实验材料,采用启动命名任务,在孤立词条件下考察了汉语词类歧义词不同意义激活的时间进程特点。实验发现,歧义词的两种意义都能被激活,但主要意义激活得较早,次要意义激活速度较慢;当两种意义都激活之后,次要意义的激活水平降低,而主要意义仍维持在一定激活水平。结果表明,汉语词类歧义词的多重激活过程会受到意义相对频率的影响。     

Automatic access of the meanings of ambiguous words in context: Some limitations of knowledge-based processing

Five experiments are described on the processing of ambiguous words in sentences. Two classes of ambiguous words (noun-noun and noun-verb) and two types of context (priming and nonpriming) were investigated using a variable stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA) priming paradigm. Noun-noun ambiguities have two semantically unrelated readings that are nouns (e.g., PEN, ORGAN); noun-verb ambiguities have both noun and verb readings that are unrelated (e.g., TIRE, WATCH). Priming contexts contain a word highly semantically or associatively related to one meaning of the ambiguous word; nonpriming contexts favor one meaning of the word through other types of information (e.g., syntactic or pragmatic). In nonpriming contexts, subjects consistently access multiple meanings of words and select one reading within 200 msec. Lexical priming differentially affects the processing of subsequent noun-noun and noun-verb ambiguities, yielding selective access of meaning only in the former case. The results suggest that meaning access is an automatic process which is unaffected by knowledge-based (“top-down”) processing. Whether selective or multiple access of meaning is observed largely depends on the structure of the ambiguous word, not the nature of the context.     

Eye movements and lexical ambiguity resolution: investigating the subordinate-bias effect

Recent debates on lexical ambiguity resolution have centered on the subordinate-bias effect, in which reading time is longer on a biased ambiguous word in a subordinate-biasing context than on a control word. The nature of the control word--namely, whether it matched the frequency of the ambiguous word's overall word form or its contextually instantiated word meaning (a higher or lower frequency word, respectively)--was examined. In addition, contexts that were singularly supportive of the ambiguous word's subordinate meaning were used. Eye movements were recorded as participants read contextually biasing passages that contained an ambiguous word target or a word-form or word-meaning control. A comparison of fixation times on the 2 control words revealed a significant effect of word frequency. Fixation times on the ambiguous word generally fell between those on the 2 controls and were significantly different than both. Results are discussed in relation to the reordered access model, in which both meaning frequency and prior context affect access procedures.     

Phonological typicality influences sentence processing in predictive contexts: reply to Staub, Grant, Clifton, and Rayner (2009)

In 2 separate self-paced reading experiments, Farmer, Christiansen, and Monaghan (2006) found that the degree to which a word's phonology is typical of other words in its lexical category influences online processing of nouns and verbs in predictive contexts. Staub, Grant, Clifton, and Rayner (2009) failed to find an effect of phonological typicality when they combined stimuli from the separate experiments into a single experiment. We replicated Staub et al.'s experiment and found that the combination of stimulus sets affects the predictiveness of the syntactic context; this reduces the phonological typicality effect as the experiment proceeds, although the phonological typicality effect was still evident early in the experiment. Although an ambiguous context may diminish sensitivity to the probabilistic relationship between the sound of a word and its lexical category, phonological typicality does influence online sentence processing during normal reading when the syntactic context is predictive of the lexical category of upcoming words.     

句子语境中汉语词类歧义词的意义激活

以单字词为实验材料 ,采用跨通道启动真假字判断任务 ,在句子语境中考察汉语词类歧义词不同意义激活的特点。被试为 134名北京师范大学本科学生。实验时向被试听觉呈现含有歧义词的句子 ,且句子语境分别支持歧义词的主要或次要意义 ,以不同的ISI分别呈现与歧义词两种意义有关的视觉目标词。结果发现 ,当探测目标词在最短的ISI出现时 ,与语境支持的意义有关的目标词反应时较短 ,表明语境在歧义词加工早期促进合适意义的激活 ,同时限制不合适意义的激活。实验数据支持相互作用理论     

Sensitivity to local sentence context information in lexical ambiguity resolution: evidence from left- and right-hemisphere-damaged individuals

Using a cross-modal semantic priming paradigm, the present study investigated the ability of left-hemisphere-damaged (LHD) nonfluent aphasic, right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD) and non-brain-damaged (NBD) control subjects to use local sentence context information to resolve lexically ambiguous words. Critical sentences were manipulated such that they were either unbiased, or biased toward one of two meanings of sentence-final equibiased ambiguous words. Sentence primes were presented auditorily, followed after a short (0 ms) or long (750 ms) interstimulus interval (ISI) by the presentation of a first- or second-meaning related visual target, on which subjects made a lexical decision. At the short ISI, neither patient group appeared to be influenced by context, in sharp contrast to the performance of the NBD control subjects. LHD nonfluent aphasic subjects activated both meanings of ambiguous words regardless of context, whereas RHD subjects activated only the first meaning in unbiased and second-meaning biased contexts. At the long ISI, LHD nonfluent aphasic subjects failed to show evidence of activation of either meaning, while RHD individuals activated first meanings in unbiased contexts and contextually appropriate meanings in second-meaning biased contexts. These findings suggest that both left (LH) and right hemisphere (RH) damage lead to deficits in using local contextual information to complete the process of ambiguity resolution. LH damage seems to spare initial access to word meanings, but initially impairs the ability to use context and results in a faster than normal decay of lexical activation. RH damage appears to initially disrupt access to context, resulting in an over-reliance on frequency in the activation of ambiguous word meanings.     

The locus of the effects of sentential-semantic context in spoken-word processing

Models of word recognition differ with respect to where the effects of sentential-semantic context are to be located. Using a crossmodal priming technique, this research investigated the availability of lexical entries as a function of stimulus information and contextual constraint. To investigate the exact locus of the effects of sentential contexts, probes that were associatively related to contextually appropriate and inappropriate words were presented at various positions before and concurrent with the spoken word. The results show that sentential contexts do not preselect a set of contextually appropriate words before any sensory information about the spoken word is available. Moreover, during lexical access, defined here as the initial contact with lexical entries and their semantic and syntactic properties, both contextually appropriate and inappropriate words are activated. Contextual effects are located after lexical access, at a point in time during word processing where the sensory input by itself is still insufficiently informative to disambiguate between the activated entries. This suggests that sentential-semantic contexts have their effects during the process of selecting one of the activated candidates for recognition.     

Hemispheric contributions to lexical ambiguity resolution in a discourse context: evidence from individuals with unilateral left and right hemisphere lesions

In the present study, a cross-modal semantic priming task was used to investigate the ability of left-hemisphere-damaged (LHD) nonfluent aphasic, right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD) and non-brain-damaged (NBD) control subjects to use a discourse context to resolve lexically ambiguous words. Subjects first heard four-sentence discourse passages ending in ambiguous words and after an inter-stimulus interval (ISI) of either 0 or 750 ms, made lexical decisions on first- or second-meaning related visual targets. NBD control subjects, at the 0 ms ISI, only activated contextually appropriate meanings, though significant effects, as a group, were only seen in second-meaning biased contexts. Surprisingly, at the 750 ms ISI, these subjects activated both appropriate and inappropriate meanings in first-meaning biased contexts. With respect to the LHD nonfluent aphasic patients, the majority activated first meanings regardless of context at the 0 ms ISI, though effects for the group were not significant. At the 750 ms ISI, these patients again activated first meanings regardless of context, with significant effects for the group only seen in first-meaning biased contexts. With regard to the RHD patients, the majority activated second meanings regardless of context at the 0 ms ISI and first meanings regardless of context at the 750 ms ISI, though, as a group, the effects were not significant. In light of our previous findings (Grindrod & Baum, 2003, submitted), the present data are interpreted as supporting the notion that damage to the left hemisphere disrupts either lexical access processes or the time course of lexical activation, whereas damage to the right hemisphere impairs the use of context and leads to activation of ambiguous word meanings based on meaning frequency.     

Revisiting effects of contextual strength on the subordinate bias effect: Evidence from eye movements

In this study, we examined two issues regarding the role of context in ambiguity resolution: whether access to the contextually appropriate meaning is exhaustive or selective, and whether the contextually inappropriate meaning is inhibited. Participants read texts in which a biased ambiguous word was encountered twice while their eye movements were measured. The context preceding the first encounter varied in the extent to which the subordinate meaning was supported; the context preceding the second encounter always supported the dominant meaning. The findings suggest that lexical access is exhaustive but can be influenced by context, and that the subsequent accessibility of the contextually inappropriate meaning is unaffected by previous selection processes. The results were interpreted in terms of the assumptions of the reordered-access model and activation mechanisms that operate during reading.     

Time course of priming for associate and inference words in a discourse context

The construction of word meanings in a discourse context was conceptualized as a process of sense activation, sense selection, and sense elaboration. In three experiments, subjects read texts presented by a rapid serial visual procedure and performed a lexical decision on visually presented targets that followed ambiguous prime words. When the target was a word, it was either an associate of the prime word, a probable inference suggested by the discourse, or an unrelated word. For associates, lexical decisions that related to either the appropriate or the inappropriate sense of the ambiguous word were generally facilitated at short (200-400 msec) prime-target stimulus onset asynchronies (SOAs). At longer SOAs, responses were faster to appropriate than to inappropriate associates. For the thematic inferences, there was no difference between these (appropriate) inferences and (inappropriate) control words at short SOAs. At long SOAs (1,000 and 1,500 msec), however, inference words were facilitated. The results are interpreted as consistent with a model of lexical processing in which sense activation functions independently of context. Discourse context effects, whether on sense selection (suppression of inappropriate associates) or on sense elaboration (creation of inferences), are seen as postlexical.     

The role of verb argument structure in sentence processing: Distinguishing between syntactic and semantic effects

This paper describes an ongoing research program designed to investigate how syntactic and semantic aspects of lexical information become available to the sentence processing system. The two experiments described here distinguished between syntactic and semantic representations by using cross-modal naming and lexical decision in a new way. The relationship between the main verb and the probe word was varied such that the probe word met either the syntactic criteria to be an argument, the semantic criteria, neither, or both the syntactic and semantic criteria. Lexical decision times were sensitive to both syntactic and semantic congruity, while naming times were sensitive only to syntactic congruity. The two tasks were then used to investigate syntactic and semantic representations when verb argument structure was ambiguous. Subcategorized structures were constructed without regard for biasing context, but the contextually inappropriate thematic frame was ruled out while the inappropriate syntactic frame was still available.     

句子语境中语义联系启动作用的研究

通过对比研究正序和乱序两种句子语境对目标词加工的不同影响,来探讨句子语境中语义联系启动作用及作用点问题。实验一采用词汇命名任务研究发现,句法成分影响命名任务,句法违反对命名任务产生较大的抑制作用。语义违反则对命名任务没有产生显著的抑制作用。实验二利用词汇决定任务发现,词序影响决定任务,乱序对词汇决定产生很大的抑制作用。语义违反对决定任务地产生较大的抑制作用。结果表,中义联系启动是短暂的,它的保持和传递需要句法成分的支持。     

Lexical ambiguity, semantic context, and visual word recognition.

Some alternative hypotheses about the recognition of ambiguous words are considered. According to the selective-access hypothesis, prior semantic context biases people to access one meaning of an ambiguous word rather than another in lexical memory during recognition. In contrast, the nonselectiveaccess hypothesis states that all meanings of the word are accessed regardless of the context. We tested certain versions of these hypotheses by having students decide whether selected strings of letters were English words. The stimuli included test sequnces of three words in which the second word had two distinct possible meanings, whereas the first and third words were related to these meanings in various ways. When the first and third words were related to the same meaning of the ambiguous second word (e.g., SAVE-BANK-MONEY), the reaction time to recognize the third word decreased. But when the first and third words were related to different meanings of the second word (e.g., RIVER-BANK-MONEY), the reaction time for the third word was not reliably different from a control sequence with unrelated words. These and other data favor the selective-access hypothesis. Selective access to lexical memory is discussed in relation to models of word recognition.     

句子语境中语义联系效应和句法效应的研究

通过对比研究句子语境中句法成分和语义联系对目标词加工的不同影响,来探讨句子语境的作用机制和作用点问题。实验一采用词汇命名任务研究发现,句法违反对词汇命名会产生抑制作用,而语义违反对词汇命名却没有发现抑制作用。实验二利用词汇决定任务发现,句法和语义成分影响词汇决定任务,句法违反和语义违反对词汇决定任务均会产生抑制作用。结果表明,句子语境加工中,对内容词语义整合过程中存在一个句法成分的独立加工水平。     

Understanding words in sentence contexts: the time course of ambiguity resolution

Spoken language comprehension requires rapid integration of information from multiple linguistic sources. In the present study we addressed the temporal aspects of this integration process by focusing on the time course of the selection of the appropriate meaning of lexical ambiguities ("bank") in sentence contexts. Successful selection of the contextually appropriate meaning of the ambiguous word is dependent upon the rapid binding of the contextual information in the sentence to the appropriate meaning of the ambiguity. We used the N400 to identify the time course of this binding process. The N400 was measured to target words that followed three types of context sentences. In the concordant context, the sentence biased the meaning of the sentence-final ambiguous word so that it was related to the target. In the discordant context, the sentence context biased the meaning so that it was not related to the target. In the unrelated control condition, the sentences ended in an unambiguous noun that was unrelated to the target. Half of the concordant sentences biased the dominant meaning, and the other half biased the subordinate meaning of the sentence-final ambiguous words. The ISI between onset of the target word and offset of the sentence-final word of the context sentence was 100 ms in one version of the experiment, and 1250 ms in the second version. We found that (i) the lexically dominant meaning is always partly activated, independent of context, (ii) initially both dominant and subordinate meaning are (partly) activated, which suggests that contextual and lexical factors both contribute to sentence interpretation without context completely overriding lexical information, and (iii) strong lexical influences remain present for a relatively long period of time.     

Context effects in word recognition: evidence for early interactive processing

This study investigated whether a prior context influenced lexical access as indexed by participants' electrophysiological response in the N1 from 132 to 192 ms poststimulus. Ambiguous, high-frequency (HF), and low-frequency (LF) words were presented in neutral and biasing contexts. Event-related potentials (ERPs) for ambiguous words were compared with those for unambiguous HF (word form) and LF (word meaning) control words. Word frequency effects in the N1 extended previous ERP findings. A marginal effect of context for LF words provided electrophysiological support for the context-by-frequency interaction shown in reaction time paradigms. In neutral context, responses to ambiguous words were comparable to responses to HF words, and in biasing context (where context instantiated the subordinate sense), responses to ambiguous words were comparable to responses to LF words. The results establish temporal parameters for the early operation of context in lexical access. These constraints are more consistent with an interactive than a modular account.     

The Effect of Non-sentential Context Prosody on Homographs’ Lexical Activation in Persian

This study examines the effect of non-sentential context prosody pattern on lexical activation in Persian. For this purpose a questionnaire including target and non-target words is used. The target words are homographs with two possible stress patterns belonging to different syntactic categories. Participants are asked to read out the words aloud and note the first word that comes to their mind. The results show that by reading the target words, both meanings of the target words are activated in mind and the prosodic pattern of the non-sentential preceding context does not affect the activation of the other stress pattern meaning. This result suggests that the metrical prosodic pattern of non-sentential context is not a strong constraint to determine which meaning of the target word must be activated. The experiment also illustrates that the stress pattern used to read the target words does not necessarily matches the stress pattern of the target word which relates to the written word. These findings confirm Swinney (Verb Learn Verb Behav 18:645–665, 1979) and Elston-Güttler and Friederici’s (J Mem Lang 52(2):256–283, 2005) finding that both meanings of an ambiguous word are accessed at the first stage. This study shows that in lack of semantic context, Persian natives behave homographs as ambiguous words and there is no bias towards preferring one meaning over another.     

Sentence context effects and the timecourse of lexical ambiguity resolution in nonfluent aphasia

In the current neurolinguistic literature, two proposals have been put forth to account for the deficit in ambiguous word processing observed in nonfluent aphasic patients. One proposal maintains that these individuals are impaired in the selective access of ambiguous word meanings, while the other argues that they are impaired in the process of contextual selection. In the present study, nonfluent aphasic patients and elderly control subjects participated in a semantic priming experiment, in which ambiguous words were presented in different biasing contexts at both a 0- and 750-ms ISI. At both ISIs, control subjects showed context-selective access, in that only contextually appropriate meanings were activated. In contrast, at the 0-ms ISI, the nonfluent aphasic patients showed activation of both meanings of the ambiguous word regardless of context. Only at the 750-ms ISI did they exhibit context-selective access. These results are consistent with the proposal that left hemisphere damage causing nonfluent aphasia results in an impairment in rapidly integrating lexical-semantic information into context.