Aging and memory for faces versus single views of faces

Differences in the ability of young adults and elderly to recognize faces were examined under two conditions. In a standard single-view condition, in which each input face was shown as one photograph, we confirmed prior findings that young adults perform better than the elderly at distinguishing photographs seen before from photographs of new faces. We also found that the elderly had more trouble distinguishing photographs seen before from photographs of(l) old faces changed in facial expression and (2) old faces changed in expression and pose. Yet there were no reliable age differences in distinguishing old-but-changed faces from entirely new faces. In a more naturalistic multi-view condition, in which each input face was shown in four poses and with two expressions, no age differences were found. A second experiment ruled out the possibility that varied repetition, by itself, removes age differences in recognizing faces. These data supported age differences in remembering facial expressions and possibly other details of photographs of faces, but not in remembering faces perse.     

Individual differences and memory for faces,pictures, and words

People who had performed exceptionally well or badly on facial recognition tests between 1 and 4 years previously were given three recognition tasks, one involving faces, one involving paintings, and a third using visually presented words. Those selected as good recognizers were better on the recognition of faces and paintings, but they did not differ in verbal memory. This result suggests that people who are particularly good at facial recognition have a generally good visual memory that is separate from verbal memory.     

Comprehension and memory for pictures

The thesis advanced is that people remember nonsensical pictures much better if they comprehend what they are about. Two experiments supported this thesis. In the first, nonsensical "droodles" were studied by subjects with or without an accompanying verbal interpretation of the pictures. Free recall was much better for subjects receiving the interpretation during study. Also, a later recognition test showed that subjects receiving the interpretation rated as more similar to the original picture a distractor which was close to the prototype of the interpreted category. In Experiment II, subjects studied pairs of nonsensical pictures, with or without a linking interpretation provided. Subjects who heard a phrase identifying and interrelating the pictures of a pair showed greater associative recall and matching than subjects who received no interpretation. The results suggest that memory is aided whenever contextual cues arouse appropriate schemata into which the material to be learned can be fitted.     

Long-term memory for pictures and sentences

Two experiments were conducted to examine the fan effect in recognition memory for pictures and sentences. Subjects in the first experiment memorized sets of pictures (N= 13) or sentences (N=13) in which the study items comprised concept combinations (e.g., the clock is on the television) that could be unambiguously depicted in each modality. The fan effect, contrasting study items involving unique- and shared-concepts combinations, was observed in the recognition reaction time data for sentences but not for pictures. Subjects in the second experiment (N= 17) memorized sets of pictures and sentences in which, in addition to the unique and shared intramodality conditions used in Experiment 1, subjects memorized items in each modality that shared concepts with items in the alternative modality. Although the fan effect was reduced for sentences in the second experiment, the intramodality results were qualitatively comparable to those obtained in Experiment 1. The results in the intermodality conditions indicated that, although pictorial study items influenced reaction time to sentences with which they shared a concept, the reverse was not the case. The results were thought to be inconsistent with the view that pictures and sentences enjoy a common representational format in long-term memory.     

Recognition memory for related pictures

This study presents a test of the notion of semantic integration of information m pictures. In Experiment 1. subjects were presented pictures which comprised various subsets of the elements in one of four standard pictures. In the test phase. recognition confidence tor old and new items was a direct function of the number of figures in the test picture. However. recognition confidence was significantly higher for old than for new pictures, contrary to predictions of the integration model of Bransford and Franks (1971). In Experiment 2, the differential predictions of the integration model and the tally model (Reitman & Bower, 19731 were tested. The information for a key standard picture was presented solely as ONEs during acquisition. For the other three standard pictures. information was presented as ONEs, TWOs, and THREEs. The results were that recognition confidence increased with complexity at the test item with regular items but decreased with increasing complexity with key items. Together. these experiments support the tally model and demonstrate the generalizabilitv of this model to handle pictorial materials. Implications regarding the nature of picture memory are also discussed.     

Recognition and discrimination of emotional faces and pictures

In order to learn whether patients with right-hemisphere disease (RHD) had a deficit in their ability to discriminate and comprehend emotional faces and pictures, we studied nine patients with RHD, nine patients with left-hemisphere disease (LHD), and nine controls. The subjects were presented with six picture tests that comprised either emotional faces or emotional scenes. Their task was either to denote (name or choose) an emotion or to discriminate (same, different) between two faces or emotions. Patients with RHD performed significantly worse than subjects with LHD when asked to discriminate between faces, to discriminate between emotional faces, and to name emotional scenes. There was also a trend for the RHD group to be more impaired than the LHD group when asked to name the emotional face or choose the emotional face. Except for the facial and emotional discrimination tests, the LHD patients also performed worse than controls.     

Aging and attentional biases for emotional faces

We examined age differences in attention to and memory for faces expressing sadness, anger, and happiness. Participants saw a pair of faces, one emotional and one neutral, and then a dot probe that appeared in the location of one of the faces. In two experiments, older adults responded faster to the dot if it was presented on the same side as a neutral face than if it was presented on the same side as a negative face. Younger adults did not exhibit this attentional bias. Interactions of age and valence were also found for memory for the faces, with older adults remembering positive better than negative faces. These findings reveal that in their initial attention, older adults avoid negative information. This attentional bias is consistent with older adults' generally better emotional well-being and their tendency to remember negative less well than positive information.     

Aging selectively impairs recollection in recognition memory for pictures: evidence from modeling and receiver operating characteristic curves

Young and older adults were tested on recognition memory for pictures. The Yonelinas high threshold (YHT) model, a formal implementation of 2-process theory, fit the response distribution data of both young and older adults significantly better than a normal unequal variance signal-detection model. Consistent with this finding, nonlinear z-transformed receiver operating characteristic curves were obtained for both groups. Estimates of recollection from the YHT model were significantly higher for young than for older adults. This deficit was not a consequence of a general decline in memory; older adults showed comparable overall accuracy and in fact a nonsignificant increase in their familiarity scores. Implications of these results for theories of recognition memory and the mnemonic deficit associated with aging are discussed.     

Recognition memory for typical and unusual faces

In four studies, recognition memory for faces rated as similar to a prototype was found to be inferior to memory for faces rated as unusual in appearance. This result was obtained under both incidental and intentional learning conditions, at presentation rates ranging from 3 to 15 sec, and with retention intervals from 3 to 24 hr. A fifth experiment established interitem similarity as the structural basis of this typicality effect in recognition memory. Difficulties in interpreting the findings in terms of some current models for classification learning, depth of processing models, or present models of the word frequency effect are discussed.     

Labeling effects on memory for nonsense pictures

It has been shown that labeling nonsense pictures improves memory for them, but how the label takes effect is uncertain. In this study subjects viewed nonsense pictures with or without labels; in the former case, the labels were either meaningful or nonmeaningful with respect to the pictures. Then the subjects took part in a free recall test, followed by recall in the presence of cues. Only the meaningful labels facilitated free recall of the pictures, but both types of labels facilitated cued recall. The results suggest that a meaningful label affects picture encoding by providing a conceptual interpretation for the picture; a nonmeaningful label, in contrast, appears to provide only an ad hoc associative cue.     

Distraction biases working memory for faces

Psychonomic Bulletin & Review - Working memory persists in the face of distraction, yet not without consequence. Previous research has shown that memory for low-level visual features is...     

Recognition memory for realistic synthetic faces

A series of experiments examined short-term recognition memory for trios of briefly presented, synthetic human faces derived from three real human faces. The stimuli were a graded series of faces, which differed by varying known amounts from the face of the average female. Faces based on each of the three real faces were transformed so as to lie along orthogonal axes in a 3-D face space. Experiment 1 showed that the synthetic faces' perceptual similarity structure strongly influenced recognition memory. Results were fit by a noisy exemplar model (NEMO) of perceptual recognition memory. The fits revealed thatrecognition memory was influenced both by the similarity of the probe to the series items and by the similarities among the series items themselves. Nonmetric multidimensional scaling (MDS) showed that the faces' perceptual representations largely preserved the 3-D space in which the face stimuli were arrayed. NEMO gave a better account of the results when similarity was defined as perceptual MDS similarity, rather than as the physical proximity of one face to another. Experiment 2 confirmed the importance of within-list homogeneity directly, without mediation of a model. We discuss the affinities and differences between visual memory for synthetic faces and memory for simpler stimuli.     

Attractive memory: High destination memory for attractive faces

Research has demonstrated that destination memory (i.e., the ability to remember to whom information was previously told) can be influenced by characteristics (e.g., emotional expressions and age) of the destination. Building on this literature, we investigated whether destination memory can be influenced by the attractiveness of the destination. We invited participants to give information on attractive faces, unattractive faces, or neither‐attractive‐nor‐unattractive faces. On a recognition test, they were invited to decide to whom each piece of information had been previously told. Results demonstrated higher destination memory (1) for attractive faces than for neither‐attractive‐nor‐unattractive faces, and (2) for unattractive faces than for neither‐attractive‐nor‐unattractive faces. We attribute the higher destination memory for attractive and unattractive destinations to their distinctiveness compared with neutrally attractive destinations. We also provide some attentional explanations for the high memory for attractive and unattractive destinations.     

Measurement of trace strength in memory for pictures

Four experiments using a yes-no recognition task with snapshots examined (1) the effect of presenting not one but two items simultaneously, either both targets or both distractors, for a single judgment at a retention test trial; (2) the rate of forgetting; (3) the interaction between retention interval and the exposure duration at acquisition; (4) acquisition as a function of the number of times a picture was presented. In each case performance was assessed by calculating the discriminability index d'. The results supported the hypotheses that trace strength is lognormally distributed, that forgetting is exponential, and that in acquisition trace strength is a linear function of the number of presentations.