Sentential and discourse topic effects on lexical ambiguity processing: an eye movement examination

Models of lexical ambiguity resolution posit a role for context, but this construct has remained relatively undefined in the literature. The present study isolated two different forms of contextual constraint and examined how these sources of information might differentiate between a selective access and a reordered access model of ambiguity processing. Eye movements were monitored as participants read passages that contained either a balanced or a biased ambiguous word. The sentence containing the ambiguous word was held constant and instantiated either the subordinate meaning (Experiment 1) or the dominant meaning (Experiment 2) through the use of local context. These sentences were embedded in passages in which the topic was consistent, inconsistent, or neutral with respect to the meaning biased by the critical sentence. Experiment 1 provided evidence suggesting that the subordinate meaning of an ambiguous word was not selectively accessed even when sentence and discourse topic information biased that meaning. The data from Experiment 2 provided evidence that even the dominant meaning was not selectively accessed. These contextual sources of information were evaluated in terms of the roles they play in models of lexical ambiguity resolution.     

Selection mechanisms in reading lexically ambiguous words

Readers' eye movements were monitored as they read sentences containing lexically ambiguous words. The ambiguous words were either biased (one strongly dominant interpretation) or nonbiased. Readers' gaze durations were longer on nonbiased than biased words when the disambiguating information followed the target word. In Experiment 1, reading times on the disambiguating word did not differ whether the disambiguation followed the target word immediately or occurred several words later. In Experiment 2, prior disambiguation eliminated the long gaze durations on nonbiased target words but resulted in long gaze durations on biased target words if the context demanded the subordinate meaning. The results indicate that successful integration of one meaning with prior context terminates the search for alternative meanings of that word. This results in selective (single meaning) access when integration of a dominant meaning is fast (due to a biasing context) and identification of a subordinate meaning is slow (a strongly biased ambiguity with a low-frequency meaning).     

Contextual strength does not modulate the subordinate bias effect: Evidence from eye fixations and self-paced reading

Eye movements were recorded in order to examine how different sources of information—namely, meaning dominance and strength of biasing context—influence the processing of biased ambiguous words. Gaze durations were longer on ambiguous target words when the preceding context instantiated the subordinate interpretation, even with strongly biasing contexts. Identical results were obtained with a self-paced reading study. Thus, contrary to recent findings (Kellas, Martin, Yehling, Herman, & Vu, 1995), the subordinate interpretation of a biased ambiguous word was not selectively accessed even when the preceding context strongly biased that interpretation. Discrepancies between the present experiments and the Kellas et al. experiment are discussed.     

Understanding words in sentence contexts: the time course of ambiguity resolution

Spoken language comprehension requires rapid integration of information from multiple linguistic sources. In the present study we addressed the temporal aspects of this integration process by focusing on the time course of the selection of the appropriate meaning of lexical ambiguities ("bank") in sentence contexts. Successful selection of the contextually appropriate meaning of the ambiguous word is dependent upon the rapid binding of the contextual information in the sentence to the appropriate meaning of the ambiguity. We used the N400 to identify the time course of this binding process. The N400 was measured to target words that followed three types of context sentences. In the concordant context, the sentence biased the meaning of the sentence-final ambiguous word so that it was related to the target. In the discordant context, the sentence context biased the meaning so that it was not related to the target. In the unrelated control condition, the sentences ended in an unambiguous noun that was unrelated to the target. Half of the concordant sentences biased the dominant meaning, and the other half biased the subordinate meaning of the sentence-final ambiguous words. The ISI between onset of the target word and offset of the sentence-final word of the context sentence was 100 ms in one version of the experiment, and 1250 ms in the second version. We found that (i) the lexically dominant meaning is always partly activated, independent of context, (ii) initially both dominant and subordinate meaning are (partly) activated, which suggests that contextual and lexical factors both contribute to sentence interpretation without context completely overriding lexical information, and (iii) strong lexical influences remain present for a relatively long period of time.     

Resolving syntactic category ambiguity: An eye-movement analysis

In two experiments, participants' eye movements were monitored as they read sentences containing biased syntactic category ambiguous words with either distinct (e.g., duck) or related (e.g., burn) meanings or unambiguous control words. In Experiment 1, prior context was consistent with either the dominant or subordinate interpretation of the ambiguous word. The subordinate bias effect was absent for the ambiguous words in gaze duration measures. However, effects of ambiguity did emerge in other measures for the ambiguous words preceded by context supporting the subordinate interpretation. In Experiment 2, context preceding the target words was neutral. Ambiguity effects only arose when posttarget context was consistent with the subordinate interpretation of the ambiguous words, indicating that readers initially selected the dominant interpretation. Results support immediate theories of syntactic category ambiguity resolution, but also suggest that recovery from misanalysis of syntactic category ambiguity is more difficult than for lexical-semantic ambiguity in which alternate interpretations do not cross syntactic category.     

Immediate disambiguation of lexically ambiguous words during reading: Evidence from eye movements

Sentences containing lexically ambiguous words were read as readers' eye movements were monitored. On half of the trials, the dominant meaning of the ambiguous word was instantiated, while in the other half, the subordinate meaning was instantiated. Furthermore, on half of the trials, an adjective or modifier immediately preceded the target noun (kitchen table, statistical table), which was consistent with either the dominant or subordinate meaning. The results of the experiment demonstrate that readers are able to immediately utilize the modifier to select the appropriate meaning of the ambiguous word.     

THE EFFECT OF MEANING FREQUENCY ON PROCESSING LEXICALLY AMBIGUOUS WORDS: Evidence From Eye Fixations

Abstract —Subjects read sentences containing lexically ambiguous words while their eye movements were monitored Biased ambiguous words (those that have one highly dominant sense) were used m sentences containing a prior context that instantiated their subordinate sense Control words were matched m frequency both to the dominant and to the subordinate meaning of the ambiguous word (high- and low-frequency controls) Subjects fixated longer on both the ambiguous word and the low-frequence control than on the high-frequency control When the target was ambiguous, however, the duration of posttarget fixations was longer and the likelihood of making a regression to the target was greater than when the target was an unambiguous control The results are discussed m relation to current models of lexical ambiguity resolution     

维吾尔族与汉族的大学生在汉语歧义词消解中的语境促进效应及反应抑制效应

词汇歧义是语言的普遍现象。在汉语中, 歧义词的种类繁多, 是少数民族学生汉语学习困难的重要原因之一。通过两个实验, 考察在不同加工时间条件下维吾尔族和汉族的大学生在汉语歧义词消解中的语境促进效应及抑制效应。结果发现, 两个民族的大学生均出现了语境促进效应, 但在短时加工条件下, 汉族大学生的语境促进效应显著大于维吾尔族大学生, 在长时加工条件下, 两个民族的大学生的语境促进效应并无显著差异。在短时加工条件下, 仅汉族大学生可以有效地抑制无关信息的干扰; 在长时加工条件下, 两个民族的大学生均可以有效地抑制无关信息的干扰。整个研究表明, 在汉语歧义词消解中, 随着加工时间增加, 维吾尔族大学生的语境促进效应和对无关信息的抑制均可以达到与汉族大学生相近的水平。     

Eye movements and lexical ambiguity resolution: investigating the subordinate-bias effect

Recent debates on lexical ambiguity resolution have centered on the subordinate-bias effect, in which reading time is longer on a biased ambiguous word in a subordinate-biasing context than on a control word. The nature of the control word--namely, whether it matched the frequency of the ambiguous word's overall word form or its contextually instantiated word meaning (a higher or lower frequency word, respectively)--was examined. In addition, contexts that were singularly supportive of the ambiguous word's subordinate meaning were used. Eye movements were recorded as participants read contextually biasing passages that contained an ambiguous word target or a word-form or word-meaning control. A comparison of fixation times on the 2 control words revealed a significant effect of word frequency. Fixation times on the ambiguous word generally fell between those on the 2 controls and were significantly different than both. Results are discussed in relation to the reordered access model, in which both meaning frequency and prior context affect access procedures.     

The study of inhibitory processes in aging with the Faust et al. paradigm (1997): methodological issues

Information provided by a word activates various potential meanings. Comprehension involves the suppression of inappropriate meanings of ambiguous words in order to finetune the intended meaning of sentences. If older adults become less efficient at inhibiting contextually irrelevant information, then multiple meanings of ambiguous words would be activated regardless of contextual bias. An alternative to multiple access was that older adults activate only the most dominant meaning of ambiguous words. According to this reservation, support for an inhibition deficit would require evidence that older adults activated the multiple meanings of ambiguous words. The effects of aging on both activation and inhibition of different meanings of ambiguous words were studied using Faust et al. (1997) paradigms. Results showed that both activation and inhibition response latency differed for the dominant and subordinate target and that the dominant meaning for one subject was not the same for another one. The implication of these results is that studies of inhibition should take dominance meaning of ambiguous word for each subject into account.     

Effects of syntactic category assignment on lexical ambiguity resolution in reading: an eye movement analysis

Readers' eye movements were monitored as they read sentences containing lexically ambiguous words whose meanings share a single syntactic category (e.g., calf), lexically ambiguous words whose meanings belong to different syntactic categories (e.g., duck), or unambiguous control words. Information provided prior to the target always unambiguously specified the context-appropriate syntactic-category assignment for the target. Fixation times were longer on ambiguous words whose meanings share a single syntactic category than on controls, both when prior context was semantically consistent with the subordinate interpretation of a biased ambiguous word (Experiment 1) and when prior context was semantically neutral as to the intended interpretation of a balanced ambiguous word (Experiment 2). These ambiguity effects, which resulted from differences in difficulty with meaning resolution, were not found when the ambiguity crossed syntactic categories. These data indicate that, in the absence of syntactic ambiguity, syntactic-category information mediates the semantic-resolution process.     

The processing of homophonic homographs during reading: Evidence from eye movement studies

Research on the processing of homophonic homographs during reading is reviewed. The primary dependent variable considered was fixation time on target homographs. Both the characteristics of the homograph (whether there are two equally likely meanings or one dominant meaning) and the characteristics of the preceding context (whether it is neutral or contains disambiguating information) were varied. When the preceding context was neutral, readers fixated longer on balanced homographs (homographs having two equally likely meanings) than on control words matched on frequency and length, but didn't look any longer at biased homographs (homographs having a highly dominant meaning) than matched control words. However, when the preceding context disambiguated toward the subordinate meaning, readers fixated longer on a biased homograph than a matched control word (the subordinate bias effect). Attempts to eliminate the subordinate bias effect are described and the implications of our research for models of lexical ambiguity resolution are discussed.Preparation of this paper was supported by grant DBS-9121375 from the National Science Foundation. We wish to thank our colleagues Sara Sereno and Chuck Clifton for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper.     

Context effects in word recognition: evidence for early interactive processing

This study investigated whether a prior context influenced lexical access as indexed by participants' electrophysiological response in the N1 from 132 to 192 ms poststimulus. Ambiguous, high-frequency (HF), and low-frequency (LF) words were presented in neutral and biasing contexts. Event-related potentials (ERPs) for ambiguous words were compared with those for unambiguous HF (word form) and LF (word meaning) control words. Word frequency effects in the N1 extended previous ERP findings. A marginal effect of context for LF words provided electrophysiological support for the context-by-frequency interaction shown in reaction time paradigms. In neutral context, responses to ambiguous words were comparable to responses to HF words, and in biasing context (where context instantiated the subordinate sense), responses to ambiguous words were comparable to responses to LF words. The results establish temporal parameters for the early operation of context in lexical access. These constraints are more consistent with an interactive than a modular account.     

The Development of Strategic Processing of Ambiguous Words: Riddles Versus Neutral Context

Children in Grades 4 and 6 read isolated target words following the auditory presentation of an ambiguous word (e.g., deck). The ambiguous word occurred as the last word in either a neutral sentence (e.g., “There is the deck”) or as the last word in a riddle (“Why couldn't anybody play poker on the ark? Because Noah sat on the deck). Related target words were consistent with either the dominant meaning (e.g., porch) or the subordinate meaning (cards) of the ambiguous word. In the neutral context, Grade 4 children showed equivalent facilitation for dominant and subordinate targets relative to unrelated target words; Grade 6 children showed facilitation only for the dominant targets. In the riddle context, both groups of children showed equivalent facilitation for the two types of related targets. The neutral context results supported the hypothesis that the two bases of context effects—automatic lexical access and selective access—develop at different rates (Simpson &; Foster, 1986). The results obtained from the riddles suggest that the selective process is strategic (Ceci, 1989).     

Effects of sentential context on the processing of unambiguous words by the two cerebral hemispheres

The effect of sentence context on the processing of different aspects of meaning of unambiguous nouns by the two cerebral hemispheres was examined. Participants performed a lexical decision task on target words following two primes, an unambiguous noun preceded by an incomplete sentence. Priming sentences were consistent with either the dominant or the subordinate aspect of meaning of their final unambiguous word. Short and long SOAs were used. A principal finding of this study was that, when compared to unrelated aspects of meaning, for both the short and the long SOAs, the dominant and subordinate aspects of meaning of the unambiguous words were activated regardless of context in both hemispheres. However, the activation of the subordinate aspect of meaning of unambiguous words appears to be more sensitive to sentential context, especially when the unambiguous word is being processed by the left hemisphere.     

Contextual modulation of N400 amplitude to lexically ambiguous words

Though much is known about the N400 component, an event-related EEG potential that is sensitive to semantic manipulations, it is unclear whether modulations of N400 amplitude reflect automatic processing, controlled processing, or both. We examined this issue using a semantic judgment task that manipulated local and global contextual cues. Word triplets (prime-noun-target, e.g., finance-bank-money) were sequentially presented on a computer screen (500 ms duration, 1000 ms stimulus onset asynchrony), in which the second word was a homograph. The first word (prime) created a neutral-, dominant-meaning- or subordinate-meaning-biased "global context," and the third word (target) created a dominant- or subordinate-biased "local context" that was either congruent or incongruent with the "global context" established by the first prime word. Participants were instructed to read all three words but to decide only whether the second and third words were semantically related. Event-related potentials (ERPs), specifically the N400, were recorded to the third terminal word. N400 amplitudes evoked by dominant meaning-related third words incongruent with the globally biased subordinate context (e.g., river-bridge-money) were significantly more negative than dominant endings in neutral contexts (e.g., taxi-bank-money), but not different from unrelated filler triplets. In addition, there was some indication that left hemisphere, temporal-parietal electrode sites were associated with greater N400 negativity for dominant targets in conflicting subordinate global contexts than homologous right hemisphere electrode sites, the latter of which showed significant activation to subordinate meanings in cooperating contexts. Thus, N400 amplitude was more affected by global than local context suggesting that controlled processes may take priority over automatic processes in modulating N400 amplitude, especially for left hemisphere electrode sites.     

Activation of shape and semantic information during ambiguous homophone processing: eye tracking evidence from Hindi

In two visual world eye tracking studies, we examined the activation of subordinate meanings of ambiguous homophones in Hindi and particularly when the sentence context is biased towards the dominant meaning. Participants listened to sentences that were either neutral or biased towards the dominant meaning of the homophone and saw a display containing four pictures. In experiment 1, the display had a shape competitor of the subordinate meaning of the homophone in both neutral and biased conditions along with three unrelated distractors. Experiment 2 had semantic competitors of the subordinate meaning of the homophones along with three distractors. Proportion of fixations to different objects overtime suggested that participants activated the subordinate meanings and oriented their attention to the shape and semantic competitors even when the prior context was biased towards the dominant meaning. Overall, these data from Hindi provide further support to those models of lexical access that assume exhaustive access of both the meanings of an ambiguous homophone. These data suggest even a dominant bias does not eliminate the activation of perceptual and conceptual features of the subordinate meaning.     

Event-related potentials indicate context effect in reading ambiguous words

The aim of the study was a comparison of lexical and contextual factors in understanding ambiguous words in German. First, a sample of native speakers selected 56 words having maximally strong differences between a dominant and a subordinate meaning. After this, another sample from the same population was visually presented with sentences that activated dominant or subordinate meanings of the words and were accompanied by probes associated with dominant or subordinate meanings. This resulted in a crossed design with two factors: sentence dominant vs. sentence subordinate and probe dominant vs. probe subordinate. An analysis of event-related brain potentials revealed a large, long-lasting and highly-significant N400 wave whenever the meaning of the probe was incongruent with the meaning of the sentence and the lack of this wave whenever the two meanings were congruent. In the typical N400 space and time, the effect was independent of whether the lexical word meaning was dominant or subordinate. At other sites and times, however (e.g., at lateral frontal electrodes F7/F8, and after 700 ms), the congruence effect was significant after dominant sentences only. The data indicate that lexical factors have a rather limited influence on the activation of a particular meaning of ambiguous words. A strong context can virtually override even a very strong difference in the preference for different meanings.     

Contextual Strength and the Subordinate Bias Effect: Comment on Martin, Vu, Kellas, and Metcalf

Martin, Vu, Kellas, and Metcalf (this issue) claim to have demonstrated that the subordinate bias effect (when preceding context instantiates the subordinate meaning of an ambiguous word that has a highly dominant meaning, reading time on that word is lengthened) can be eliminated by strong context. They argue that this provides evidence critical to discriminating between competing models of lexical ambiguity resolution: the reordered access model (in which access of meanings for an ambiguous word is exhaustive but in which the order of access is influenced by prior disambiguating context) and the context-sensitive model (in which access is selective in the presence of prior disambiguating information). We argue that there are methodological problems with their demonstration, but even if there were not, it is unclear that the subordinate bias effect is appropriate for discriminating between competing models of lexical ambiguity resolution (the reordered access model and the context-sensitive model). The effect is an empirical finding and not a fundamental tenet of the reordered access model.     

Sensitivity to local sentence context information in lexical ambiguity resolution: evidence from left- and right-hemisphere-damaged individuals

Using a cross-modal semantic priming paradigm, the present study investigated the ability of left-hemisphere-damaged (LHD) nonfluent aphasic, right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD) and non-brain-damaged (NBD) control subjects to use local sentence context information to resolve lexically ambiguous words. Critical sentences were manipulated such that they were either unbiased, or biased toward one of two meanings of sentence-final equibiased ambiguous words. Sentence primes were presented auditorily, followed after a short (0 ms) or long (750 ms) interstimulus interval (ISI) by the presentation of a first- or second-meaning related visual target, on which subjects made a lexical decision. At the short ISI, neither patient group appeared to be influenced by context, in sharp contrast to the performance of the NBD control subjects. LHD nonfluent aphasic subjects activated both meanings of ambiguous words regardless of context, whereas RHD subjects activated only the first meaning in unbiased and second-meaning biased contexts. At the long ISI, LHD nonfluent aphasic subjects failed to show evidence of activation of either meaning, while RHD individuals activated first meanings in unbiased contexts and contextually appropriate meanings in second-meaning biased contexts. These findings suggest that both left (LH) and right hemisphere (RH) damage lead to deficits in using local contextual information to complete the process of ambiguity resolution. LH damage seems to spare initial access to word meanings, but initially impairs the ability to use context and results in a faster than normal decay of lexical activation. RH damage appears to initially disrupt access to context, resulting in an over-reliance on frequency in the activation of ambiguous word meanings.