Linguistic stress, within-word position, and grammatical class in relation to early childhood stuttering

The purpose of the present study was to investigate whether the link that has been established between stuttering and linguistic stress in adolescents and adults (the so-called stress effect) can also be observed in childhood stuttering. To account for confounding variables, both within-word position and grammatical class were measured, because these factors covary with linguistic stress. Speech samples of 22 preschool children (mean time of 9 months since onset of stuttering) were analyzed. The relative stress of each syllable was rated and syllables were categorized into long and short stressed, unstressed, and intermediately stressed syllables. Results showed that 97.8% of stuttering events occurred on first syllables of words and 76.5% on the first sound of syllables, that means a clear word-initial effect. Stuttering frequency on first syllables of function words was 16.9% and significantly higher than the frequency of stuttered first syllables of content words (11.5%). In function words short stressed syllables and intermediately stressed syllables were stuttered more often than unstressed syllables. The analysis for individual disfluency types revealed that, for function words, stuttering on short stressed syllables was associated with prolongations and syllable repetitions. However, in intermediately stressed syllables stuttering coincided most often with one-syllable word repetitions. This differentiation of the stress effect may suggest different causal mechanisms underlying these disfluency types. Educational objectives: The reader will learn about and be able to: (1) describe how within-word position, grammatical class, and linguistic stress effect stuttering frequency in preschool children who stutter; (2) explain how the occurrence of individual disfluency types depends on linguistic stress; (3) discuss how patterns of adults and preschool children who stutter differ in regard to these aspects.     

汉语语句重音的分类和分布

通过两个独立进行的重音标注实验对汉语语句重音的分类和分布进行了初步探讨。实验l是由60位普通被试参加的音节重音突显度的知觉实验。实验2是由本文三位作者参加的重音类别标注实验,在此实验中语句重音被划分为节奏重音和语义重音。实验2中对于语句重音的分类性标注结果得到了实验l中普通被试对音节重音突显度知觉结果的支持,这说明人们确实能够感知到两种不同类型的重音。实验结果还表明,节奏重音倾向于出现在较大韵律单元内的最末韵律词的末音节上,并且与适当的停延相伴生,语义重音的分布则与语句的韵律结构的关系不大。     

The duration component of the stress effect in stuttering

The purpose of the present study was to investigate whether there is a relationship between stuttering on stressed syllables and the duration of these syllables. Sixteen adults who stutter read a text consisting of 226 syllables. The relative stress of each syllable was rated, and syllables were categorized into long- and short-stressed syllables, unstressed syllables and intermediate syllables lying in-between. In order to isolate effects caused by within-word position from those caused by linguistic stress, syllables in initial and in subsequent positions were analyzed separately. In both word position categories stressed syllables were stuttered more often than unstressed syllables. Stuttering frequency of intermediate syllables seems to be in-between stressed and unstressed syllables, just as their stress level is rated in-between. Results regarding the duration of stressed syllables do not allow final conclusions.

Educational objectives: The reader will learn about and be able to describe (1) language factors related with stuttering events, (2) the stress effect in adults who stutter, and (3) methods to control for its confounding variables.     

Do speakers have access to a mental syllabary?

The first, theoretical part of this paper sketches a framework for phonological encoding in which the speaker successively generates phonological syllables in connected speech. The final stage of this process, phonetic encoding, consists of accessing articulatory gestural scores for each of these syllables in a “mental syllabary”. The second, experimental part studies various predictions derived from this theory. The main finding is a syllable frequency effect: words ending in a high-frequent syllable are named faster than words ending in a low-frequent syllable. As predicted, this syllable frequency effect is independent of and additive to the effect of word frequency on naming latency. The effect, moreover, is not due to the complexity of the word-final syllable. In the General Discussion, the syllabary model is further elaborated with respect to phonological underspecification and activation spreading. Alternative accounts of the empirical findings in terms of core syllables and demisyllables are considered.     

Phonetic factors in letter detection: A reevaluation

Three experiments in which subjects searched for the letter e in printed text were conducted to examine the effects of phonetic factors in silent reading. In Experiment 1, subjects made more errors on silent es than on pronounced es, but silent es always occurred at the ends of words, whereas pronounced es occurred in the middle of words. In Experiment 2, all instances of the letter e occurred in the penultimate location in the words, and no effects of letter voicing were obtained. In Experiment 3, subjects made more errors on es in unstressed syllables than on es in stressed syllables in three-syllable words. However, this effect occurred only for es in the second and third syllables and only for the more common words. All three experiments yielded large effects of word frequency, which were reduced in passages printed in alternating typecase. It was concluded that letter detection is affected by syllable stress but not by letter voicing and that the stress effect depends on whether the subject is able to form reading units at the syllable level.     

Listeners’ perception of compensatory shortening

English exhibits compensatory shortening, whereby a stressed syllable followed by an unstressed syllable is measured to be shorter than the same stressed syllable alone. This anticipatory shortening is much greater than backward shortening, whereby an unstressed syllable is measured to shorten a following stressed syllable. We speculated that measured shortening reflects not true shortening, but coarticulatory hiding. Hence, we asked whether listeners are sensitive to parts of stressed syllables hidden by following or preceding unstressed syllables. In two experiments (Experiments 1A and 1B), we found the point of subjective equality—that is, the durational difference between a stressed syllable in isolation and one followed by an unstressed syllable—at which listeners cannot tell which is longer. In a third experiment (Experiment 2), we found the point of subjective equality for stressed monosyllables and disyllables with a weak-strong stress pattern. In all of the experiments, the points of subjective equality occurred when stressed syllables in disyllables were measured to be shorter than those in monosyllables, as if the listeners heard the coarticulatory onset or the continuation of a stressed syllable within unstressed syllables.     

Ear differences for same-different reaction times to monaurally presented speech

Subjects were played sequences of two consonant-vowel syllables which they had to judge as “same” or “different.” The first syllable was always played binaurally and the second came either to the left or to the right ear. The two syllables were always on different pitches. Subjects were faster in judging the syllables “different” when the second syllable came to the right than to the left ear, but there was no ear difference for “same” judgments. This experiment suggests that ear differences can be obtained under monaural stimulation on a task involving a simple phonetic judgment. It also suggests that some process of categorization is necessary in tasks which show left hemisphere superiority for verbal material.     

The prosodic property of lexical stress affects eye movements during silent reading

The present study examined lexical stress in the context of silent reading by measuring eye movements. We asked whether lexical stress registers in the eye movement record and, if so, why. The study also tested the implicit prosody hypothesis, or the idea that readers construct a prosodic contour during silent reading. Participants read high and low frequency target words with one or two stressed syllables embedded in sentences. Lexical stress affected eye movements, such that words with two stressed syllables took longer to read and received more fixations than words with one stressed syllable. Findings offer empirical support for the implicit prosody hypothesis and suggest that stress assignment may be the completing phase of lexical access, at least in terms of eye movement control.     

The use of rhythm in attending to speech

Three experiments examined attentional allocation during speech processing to determine whether listeners capitalize on the rhythmic nature of speech and attend more closely to stressed than to unstressed syllables. Ss performed a phoneme monitoring task in which the target phoneme occurred on a syllable that was either predicted to be stressed or unstressed by the context preceding the target word. Stimuli were digitally edited to eliminate the local acoustic correlates of stress. A sentential context and a context composed of word lists, in which all the words had the same stress pattern, were used. In both cases, the results suggest that attention may be preferentially allocated to stressed syllables during speech processing. However, a normal sentence context may not provide strong predictive cues to lexical stress, limiting the use of the attentional focus.     

Stress priming in picture naming: an SOA study

This study investigates whether or not the representation of lexical stress information can be primed during speech production. In four experiments, we attempted to prime the stress position of bisyllabic target nouns (picture names) having initial and final stress with auditory prime words having either the same or different stress as the target (e.g., WORtel-MOtor vs. koSTUUM-MOtor; capital letters indicate stressed syllables in prime-target pairs). Furthermore, half of the prime words were semantically related, the other half unrelated. Overall, picture names were not produced faster when the prime word had the same stress as the target than when the prime had different stress, i.e., there was no stress-priming effect in any experiment. This result would not be expected if stress were stored in the lexicon. However, targets with initial stress were responded to faster than final-stress targets. The reason for this effect was neither the quality of the pictures nor frequency of occurrence or voice-key characteristics. We hypothesize here that this stress effect is a genuine encoding effect, i.e., words with stress on the second syllable take longer to be encoded because their stress pattern is irregular with respect to the lexical distribution of bisyllabic stress patterns, even though it can be regular with respect to metrical stress rules in Dutch. The results of the experiments are discussed in the framework of models of phonological encoding.     

At 11 months,prosody still outranks statistics

English‐learning 7.5‐month‐olds are heavily biased to perceive stressed syllables as word onsets. By 11 months, however, infants begin segmenting non‐initially stressed words from speech. Using the same artificial language methodology as Johnson and Jusczyk (2001 ), we explored the possibility that the emergence of this ability is linked to a decreased reliance on prosodic cues to word boundaries accompanied by an increased reliance on syllable distribution cues. In a baseline study, where only statistical cues to word boundaries were present, infants exhibited a familiarity preference for statistical words. When conflicting stress cues were added to the speech stream, infants exhibited a familiarity preference for stress as opposed to statistical words. This was interpreted as evidence that 11‐month‐olds weight stress cues to word boundaries more heavily than statistical cues. Experiment 2 further investigated these results with a language containing convergent cues to word boundaries. The results of Experiment 2 were not conclusive. A third experiment using new stimuli and a different experimental design supported the conclusion that 11‐month‐olds rely more heavily on prosodic than statistical cues to word boundaries. We conclude that the emergence of the ability to segment non‐initially stressed words from speech is not likely to be tied to an increased reliance on syllable distribution cues relative to stress cues, but instead may emerge due to an increased reliance on and integration of a broad array of segmentation cues.     

Visual search with meaningful and non-meaningful material

Two experiments are reported which attempt to assess the effects of variations in target word, context items and instructions on performance in a visual search task. In Experiment 1, subjects were required to search through context lists of three-letter nonsense syllables (of either high or low association value) for three-letter meaningful target words (of either high or low frequency). They were given either “positive” or “negative” instructions, i.e. were told either to pick out the meaningful word or to pick out the word which was not a nonsense syllable. The results showed that visual search times were significantly influenced by both frequency of target word and association value of context items. A significant interaction was observed between type of instructions and target word frequency. The design of Experiment 2 followed that of Experiment 1, with the exceptions that nonsense syllables now became target items, and meaningful words formed the contexts. Again, nonsense syllable association value and word frequency were found to be critical in determining visual search times.     

Similarity neighborhoods of spoken two-syllable words: retroactive effects on multiple activation

This research examines the recognition of two-syllable spoken words and the means by which the auditory word recognition process deals with ambiguous stimulus information. The experiments reported here investigate the influence of individual syllables within two-syllable words on the recognition of each other. Specifically, perceptual identification of two-syllable words comprised of two monosyllabic words (spondees) was examined. Individual syllables within a spondee were characterized as either "easy" or "hard" depending on the syllable's neighborhood characteristics; an easy syllable was defined as a high-frequency word in a sparse neighborhood of low-frequency words, and a hard syllable as a low-frequency word in a high-density, high-frequency neighborhood. In Experiment 1, stimuli were created by splicing together recordings of the component syllables of the spondee, thus equating for syllable stress. Additional experiments tested the perceptual identification of naturally produced spondees, spliced nonwords, and monosyllables alone. Neighborhood structure had a strong effect on identification in all experiments. In addition, identification performance for spondees with a hard-easy syllable pattern was higher than for spondees with an easy-hard syllable pattern, indicating a primarily retroactive pattern of influence in spoken word recognition. Results strongly suggest that word recognition involves multiple activation and delayed commitment, thus ensuring accurate and efficient recognition.     

Tracking independence and merging of prosodic and phonemic processing across infancy

Recent evidence suggests division of labor in phonological analysis underlying speech recognition. Adults and children appear to decompose the speech stream into phoneme‐relevant information and into syllable stress. Here we investigate whether both speech processing streams develop from a common path in infancy, or whether there are two separate streams from early on. We presented stressed and unstressed syllables (spoken primes) followed by initially stressed early learned disyllabic German words (spoken targets). Stress overlap and phoneme overlap between the primes and the initial syllable of the targets varied orthogonally. We tested infants 3, 6 and 9 months after birth. Event‐related potentials (ERPs) revealed stress priming without phoneme priming in the 3‐month‐olds; phoneme priming without stress priming in the 6‐month‐olds; and phoneme priming, stress priming as well as an interaction of both in 9‐month‐olds. In general the present findings reveal that infants start with separate processing streams related to syllable stress and to phoneme‐relevant information; and that they need to learn to merge both aspects of speech processing. In particular the present results suggest (i) that phoneme‐free prosodic processing dominates in early infancy; (ii) that prosody‐free phoneme processing dominates in middle infancy; and (iii) that both types of processing are operating in parallel and can be merged in late infancy.     

Dependence of 'audio-phonatoric coupling' of speech rate and speech loudness]

The 'audio-phonatoric coupling' (APC) was investigated in two independent experiments. Slightly delayed auditory feedback (delay time 40 ms) of the subjects' own speech was used as experimental method. The first experiment was conducted to examine whether the strength of the APC depends on the speech rate. In this experiment 16 male Subjects (Ss) were required to utter the testword/tatatas/either with stress placing on the first or second syllable at two different speech rates (fast and slow). In 16% of the randomly chosen speech trials, the delayed auditory feedback (DAF; 40 ms delay) was introduced. It could be shown that the stressed phonation was significantly lengthened under the DAF condition. This lengthening was greater when Ss spoke slowly. The unstressed phonations were not influenced by the DAF condition. The second experiment was conducted to examine whether or not speech intensity effects APC. Nine male Ss were required to utter the testword/tatatas/either with stress placing on the first or second syllable using three different speech intensities (30 dB, 50 dB and 70 dB). In 16% of the randomly chosen speech trials DAF condition was introduced. It could be shown that speech intensity does not influence the DAF effect (lengthening of stressed phonation). These findings were taken as evidence that the auditory feedback of the subjects' own speech can be incorporated into speech control during ongoing speech. Obviously, this feedback information is efficient only during the production of stressed syllables, and varies as a function of speech rate. In addition, the significance of stressed syllables for the structuring of speech is discussed.     

The syllable’s role in word naming

In a series of experiments, the masked priming paradigm with very brief prime exposures was used to investigate the role of the syllable in the production of English. Experiment 1 (word naming task) showed a syllable priming effect for English words with clear initial syllable boundaries (such as BALCONY), but no effect with ambisyllabic words targets (such as BALANCE, where the /l/ belongs to both the first and the second syllables). Experiment 2 failed to show such syllable priming effects in the lexical decision task. Experiment 3 demonstrated that for words with clear initial syllable boundaries, naming latencies were faster only when primes formed the first syllable of the target, in comparison with a neutral condition. Experiment 4 showed that the two possible initial syllables of ambisyllabic words facilitated word naming to the same extent, in comparison with the neutral condition. Finally, Experiment 5 demonstrated that the syllable priming effect obtained for CV words with clear initial syllable boundaries (such as DIVORCE) was not due to increased phonological and/or orthographic overlap. These results, showing that the syllable constitutes a unit of speech production in English, are discussed in relation to the model of phonological and phonetic encoding proposed by Levelt and Wheeldon (1994).     

The role of syllables in word recognition among beginning Finnish readers: Evidence from eye movements during reading

The eye movements of Finnish first and second graders were monitored as they read sentences where polysyllabic words were either hyphenated at syllable boundaries, alternatingly coloured (every second syllable black, every second red) or had no explicit syllable boundary cues (e.g., ta-lo vs. talo vs. talo = “house”). The results showed that hyphenation at syllable boundaries slows down reading of first and second graders even though syllabification by hyphens is very common in Finnish reading instruction, as all first-grade textbooks include hyphens at syllable boundaries. When hyphens were positioned within a syllable (t-alo vs. ta-lo), beginning readers were even more disrupted. Alternate colouring did not affect reading speed, no matter whether colours signalled syllable structure or not. The results show that beginning Finnish readers prefer to process polysyllabic words via syllables rather than letter by letter. At the same time they imply that hyphenation encourages sequential syllable processing, which slows down the reading of children, who are already capable of parallel syllable processing or recognising words directly via the whole-word route.     

Early locus of a linguistic variable in a fast priming task

The syllable and the morpheme are known to be important linguistic variables, but is such information involved in the early stages of word recognition? Syllable‐morpheme information was manipulated in the early stage of word naming by means of the fast priming paradigm. The letters in the prime were printed in a mixture of lower‐ and upper‐case letters. The change from lower to upper case occurred either at a syllable‐morpheme boundary, before the boundary, or after it (e.g., reTAKE, rETAKE, or retAKE) creating either an intact pair or a broken one. The target was always in lower case (e.g., retake). The results of Experiments 1 and 2 revealed that intact syllable and morpheme information facilitated word naming at a short Stimulus Onset Asynchrony (below awareness) but not at a long SOA, suggesting that the use of such information is automatic. A second set of experiments attempted to determine if syllable information alone could facilitate word processing. In Experiments 3 and 4, monomorphemic words were divided either at, before, or after the syllable boundary (e.g., rePEL, rEPEL, or repEL). The primes were all pseudomorphemic in the sense that the initial syllables could appear as a morpheme in other words (e.g., restate) but were not morphemic in the target words (e.g., repel). The second syllable was neither morphemic nor pseudomorphemic. Using the same SOAs as in Experiments 1 and 2, intact syllables were found to be facilitative at the short SOA, but not at the long SOA. Thus, the syllable plays a role in an early stage of word recognition. Whether morphemes that are not syllables are facilitative is still to be determined in this paradigm.     

Converting between word and syllable counts in children's conversational speech samples

Several authors have suggested that it is possible to convert between word and syllable counts for basic clinical measurements such as the frequency of speech disfluencies or speaking rate in conversational speech samples. Based primarily on results from adults' speech samples, proposed conversion factors have averaged approximately 1.5 syllables per word. Because children produce fewer multisyllabic words than adults, this conversion factor is probably not appropriate for children's speech samples. This study sought to develop a more accurate conversion factor for children's speech by comparing syllable and word counts in spontaneous speech samples produced by 50 children, age 3 to 5. Analyses revealed an average ratio of 1.15 syllables per word, which was consistent across different subjects, across subject groups (children who stutter and children who do not stutter) and also, somewhat surprisingly, across age groups (3-year olds, 4-year olds, and 5-year olds). Results suggest that this constant conversion factor of 1.15 can be used to convert between word and syllable with sufficient precision to allow clinicians to compare their data to published guidelines and benchmarks about childhood stuttering.     

汉语普通话句子重音在时长方面的声学表现

研究包括2部分。在第一部分,通过对由10个发音人发音的148条句子中的4个词时长方面的声学特征的分析发现：（1）当句子重音强调词时,时长的增加主要集中在这个词的重读音节上;（2）当句子重音强调词的某个音节时,时长的延长主要集中在这个音节上。在第二部分,通过使用上述语句的知觉实验发现,句子重音强调词的语句和句子重音强调这个词的重读音节的语句相对于它们的语境是可以相互替换的, 这种相互可替换性起因于这两种语句声学表现方面的相似性