Cross‐Situational Learning of Minimal Word Pairs

Cross‐situational statistical learning of words involves tracking co‐occurrences of auditory words and objects across time to infer word‐referent mappings. Previous research has demonstrated that learners can infer referents across sets of very phonologically distinct words (e.g., WUG, DAX), but it remains unknown whether learners can encode fine phonological differences during cross‐situational statistical learning. This study examined learners’ cross‐situational statistical learning of minimal pairs that differed on one consonant segment (e.g., BON–TON), minimal pairs that differed on one vowel segment (e.g., DEET–DIT), and non‐minimal pairs that differed on two or three segments (e.g., BON–DEET). Learners performed above chance for all pairs, but performed worse on vowel minimal pairs than on consonant minimal pairs or non‐minimal pairs. These findings demonstrate that learners can encode fine phonetic detail while tracking word‐referent co‐occurrence probabilities, but they suggest that phonological encoding may be weaker for vowels than for consonants.     

Development of category formation for faces differing by age in 9‐ to 12‐month‐olds: An effect of experience with infant faces

We examined category formation for faces differing in age in 9‐ and 12‐month‐olds, and the influence of exposure to infant faces on such ability. Infants were familiarized with adult or infant faces, and then tested with a novel exemplar from the familiarized category paired with a novel exemplar from a novel category (Experiment 1). Both age groups formed discrete categories of adult and infant faces, but exposure to infant faces in everyday life did not modulate performance. The same task was conducted with child versus infant faces (Experiment 2). Whereas 9‐month‐olds preferred infant faces after familiarization with child faces, but not child faces after familiarization with infant faces, 12‐month‐olds formed discrete categories of child and infant faces. Moreover, more exposure to infant faces correlated with higher novel category preference scores when infants were familiarized with infant faces in 12‐month‐olds, but not 9‐month‐olds. The 9‐month‐old asymmetry did not reflect spontaneous preference for infant over child faces (Experiment 3). These findings indicate that 9‐ and 12‐month‐olds can form age‐based categories of faces. The ability of 12‐month‐olds to form separate child and infant categories suggests that they have a more exclusive representation of face age, one that may be influenced by prior experience with infant faces.     

Fourteen‐month‐old infants learn similar‐sounding words

Can infants, in the very first stages of word learning, use their perceptual sensitivity to the phonetics of speech while learning words? Research to date suggests that infants of 14 months cannot learn two similar‐sounding words unless there is substantial contextual support. The current experiment advances our understanding of this failure by testing whether the source of infants’ difficulty lies in the learning or testing phase. Infants were taught to associate two similar‐sounding words with two different objects, and tested using a visual choice method rather than the standard Switch task. The results reveal that 14‐month‐olds are capable of learning and mapping two similar‐sounding labels; they can apply phonetic detail in new words. The findings are discussed in relation to infants’ concurrent failure, and the developmental transition to success, in the Switch task.     

Learning unfamiliar faces in infants: The advantage of the regular sequence presentation and the three‐quarter view superiority

We investigated the effect of the regular sequence of different views and the three‐quarter view effect on the learning of unfamiliar faces by infants. 3–8‐month‐old infants were familiarized with unfamiliar female faces in either the regular condition (presenting 11 different face views from the frontal view to the left‐side profile view in regular order) or the random condition (presenting the same 11 different face views in random order). Following the familiarization, infants were tested with a pair of a familiarized and a novel female face either in a three‐quarter (Experiment 1) or in a profile view (Experiment 2). Results showed that only 6–8‐month‐old infants could identify a familiarized face in the regular condition when they were tested in three‐quarter views. In contrast, 6–8‐month‐old infants showed no significant novelty preference in profile views. The results suggest that the regular sequence of different face views promotes the learning of unfamiliar faces by infants over 6 months old. Moreover, our findings imply that the three‐quarter view effect appears in infants.     

Weighting of vowel cues explains patterns of word–object associative learning

Previous research has demonstrated that infants under 17 months have difficulty learning novel words in the laboratory when the words differ by only one consonant sound, irrespective of the magnitude of that difference. The current study explored whether 15‐month‐old infants can learn novel words that differ in only one vowel sound. The rich acoustic/phonetic properties of vowels allow for a detailed analysis of the contribution of acoustic/phonetic cues to infants’ performance with similar‐sounding words. Infants succeeded with the vowel pair /i/–/I/, but failed with vowel pairs /i/–/u/ and /I/–/u/. These results suggest that infants initially use the most salient acoustic cues for vowels and that this staged use of acoustic cues both predicts and explains why infants can learn some words that differ in only a single vowel.     

Two‐month‐old infants match phonetic information in lips and voice

Infants aged 4.5 months are able to match phonetic information in the face and voice ( Kuhl & Meltzoff, 1982 ; Patterson & Werker, 1999 ); however, the ontogeny of this remarkable ability is not understood. In the present study, we address this question by testing substantially younger infants at 2 months of age. Like the 4.5‐month‐olds in past studies, the 2‐month‐old infants tested in the current study showed evidence of matching vowel information in face and voice. The effect was observed in overall looking time, number of infants who looked longer at the match, and longest look to the match versus mismatch. Furthermore, there were no differences based on male or female stimuli and no preferences for the match when it was on the right or left side. These results show that there is robust evidence for phonetic matching at a much younger age than previously known and support arguments for either some kind of privileged processing or particularly rapid learning of phonetic information.     

Lexical‐processing efficiency leverages novel word learning in infants and toddlers

Children who rapidly recognize and interpret familiar words typically have accelerated lexical growth, providing indirect evidence that lexical processing efficiency (LPE) is related to word‐learning ability. Here we directly tested whether children with better LPE are better able to learn novel words. In Experiment 1, 17‐ and 30‐month‐olds were tested on an LPE task and on a simple word‐learning task. The 17‐month‐olds’ LPE scores predicted word learning in a regression model, and only those with relatively good LPE showed evidence of learning. The 30‐month‐olds learned novel words quite well regardless of LPE, but in a more difficult word‐learning task (Experiment 2), their LPE predicted word‐learning ability. These findings suggest that LPE supports word‐learning processes, especially when learning is difficult.     

Categorization,categorical perception,and asymmetry in infants’ representation of face race

The present study examined whether 6‐ and 9‐month‐old Caucasian infants could categorize faces according to race. In Experiment 1, infants were familiarized with different female faces from a common ethnic background (i.e. either Caucasian or Asian) and then tested with female faces from a novel race category. Nine‐month‐olds were able to form discrete categories of Caucasian and Asian faces. However, 6‐month‐olds did not form discrete categories of faces based on race. In Experiment 2, a second group of 6‐ and 9‐month‐olds was tested to determine whether they could discriminate between different faces from the same race category. Results showed that both age groups could only discriminate between different faces from the own‐race category of Caucasian faces. The findings of the two experiments taken together suggest that 9‐month‐olds formed a category of Caucasian faces that are further differentiated at the individual level. In contrast, although they could form a category of Asian faces, they could not discriminate between such other‐race faces. This asymmetry in category formation at 9 months (i.e. categorization of own‐race faces vs. categorical perception of other‐race faces) suggests that differential experience with own‐ and other‐race faces plays an important role in infants’ acquisition of face processing abilities.     

Speaker variability augments phonological processing in early word learning

Infants in the early stages of word learning have difficulty learning lexical neighbors (i.e. word pairs that differ by a single phoneme), despite their ability to discriminate the same contrast in a purely auditory task. While prior work has focused on top‐down explanations for this failure (e.g. task demands, lexical competition), none has examined if bottom‐up acoustic‐phonetic factors play a role. We hypothesized that lexical neighbor learning could be improved by incorporating greater acoustic variability in the words being learned, as this may buttress still‐developing phonetic categories, and help infants identify the relevant contrastive dimension. Infants were exposed to pictures accompanied by labels spoken by either a single or multiple speakers. At test, infants in the single‐speaker condition failed to recognize the difference between the two words, while infants who heard multiple speakers discriminated between them.     

At 11 months,prosody still outranks statistics

English‐learning 7.5‐month‐olds are heavily biased to perceive stressed syllables as word onsets. By 11 months, however, infants begin segmenting non‐initially stressed words from speech. Using the same artificial language methodology as Johnson and Jusczyk (2001 ), we explored the possibility that the emergence of this ability is linked to a decreased reliance on prosodic cues to word boundaries accompanied by an increased reliance on syllable distribution cues. In a baseline study, where only statistical cues to word boundaries were present, infants exhibited a familiarity preference for statistical words. When conflicting stress cues were added to the speech stream, infants exhibited a familiarity preference for stress as opposed to statistical words. This was interpreted as evidence that 11‐month‐olds weight stress cues to word boundaries more heavily than statistical cues. Experiment 2 further investigated these results with a language containing convergent cues to word boundaries. The results of Experiment 2 were not conclusive. A third experiment using new stimuli and a different experimental design supported the conclusion that 11‐month‐olds rely more heavily on prosodic than statistical cues to word boundaries. We conclude that the emergence of the ability to segment non‐initially stressed words from speech is not likely to be tied to an increased reliance on syllable distribution cues relative to stress cues, but instead may emerge due to an increased reliance on and integration of a broad array of segmentation cues.     

The interaction between acoustic salience and language experience in developmental speech perception: evidence from nasal place discrimination

Previous research suggests that infant speech perception reorganizes in the first year: young infants discriminate both native and non‐native phonetic contrasts, but by 10–12 months difficult non‐native contrasts are less discriminable whereas performance improves on native contrasts. In the current study, four experiments tested the hypothesis that, in addition to the influence of native language experience, acoustic salience also affects the perceptual reorganization that takes place in infancy. Using a visual habituation paradigm, two nasal place distinctions that differ in relative acoustic salience, acoustically robust labial‐alveolar [ma]–[na] and acoustically less salient alveolar‐velar [na]–[?a], were presented to infants in a cross‐language design. English‐learning infants at 6–8 and 10–12 months showed discrimination of the native and acoustically robust [ma]–[na] (Experiment 1), but not the non‐native (in initial position) and acoustically less salient [na]–[?a] (Experiment 2). Very young (4–5‐month‐old) English‐learning infants tested on the same native and non‐native contrasts also showed discrimination of only the [ma]–[na] distinction (Experiment 3). Filipino‐learning infants, whose ambient language includes the syllable‐initial alveolar (/n/)–velar (/?/) contrast, showed discrimination of native [na]–[?a] at 10–12 months, but not at 6–8 months (Experiment 4). These results support the hypothesis that acoustic salience affects speech perception in infancy, with native language experience facilitating discrimination of an acoustically similar phonetic distinction [na]–[?a]. We discuss the implications of this developmental profile for a comprehensive theory of speech perception in infancy.     

Only the right noise? Effects of phonetic and visual input variability on 14‐month‐olds' minimal pair word learning

Seminal work by Werker and colleagues (Stager & Werker [1997] Nature, 388, 381–382) has found that 14‐month‐old infants do not show evidence for learning minimal pairs in the habituation‐switch paradigm. However, when multiple speakers produce the minimal pair in acoustically variable ways, infants' performance improves in comparison to a single speaker condition (Rost & McMurray [2009] Developmental Science, 12, 339–349). The current study further extends these results and assesses how different kinds of input variability affect 14‐month‐olds' minimal pair learning in the habituation‐switch paradigm testing German learning infants. The first two experiments investigated word learning when the labels were spoken by a single speaker versus when the labels were spoken by multiple speakers. In the third experiment we studied whether non‐acoustic variability, implemented by visual variability of the objects presented together with the labels, would also affect minimal pair learning. We found enhanced learning in the multiple speakers compared to the single speaker condition, confirming previous findings with English‐learning infants. In contrast, visual variability of the presented objects did not support learning. These findings both confirm and better delimit the beneficial role of speech‐specific variability in minimal pair learning. Finally, we review different proposals on the mechanisms via which variability confers benefits to learning and outline what may be likely principles that underlie this benefit. We highlight among these the multiplicity of acoustic cues signalling phonemic contrasts and the presence of relations among these cues. It is in these relations where we trace part of the source for the apparent paradoxical benefit of variability in learning.     

The first steps in word learning are easier when the shoes fit: comparing monolingual and bilingual infants

English, French, and bilingual English-French 17-month-old infants were compared for their performance on a word learning task using the Switch task. Object names presented a /b/ vs. /g/ contrast that is phonemic in both English and French, and auditory strings comprised English and French pronunciations by an adult bilingual. Infants were habituated to two novel objects labeled 'bowce' or 'gowce' and were then presented with a switch trial where a familiar word and familiar object were paired in a novel combination, and a same trial with a familiar word–object pairing. Bilingual infants looked significantly longer to switch vs. same trials, but English and French monolinguals did not, suggesting that bilingual infants can learn word–object associations when the phonetic conditions favor their input. Monolingual infants likely failed because the bilingual mode of presentation increased phonetic variability and did not match their real-world input. Experiment 2 tested this hypothesis by presenting monolingual infants with nonce word tokens restricted to native language pronunciations. Monolinguals succeeded in this case. Experiment 3 revealed that the presence of unfamiliar pronunciations in Experiment 2, rather than a reduction in overall phonetic variability was the key factor to success, as French infants failed when tested with English pronunciations of the nonce words. Thus phonetic variability impacts how infants perform in the switch task in ways that contribute to differences in monolingual and bilingual performance. Moreover, both monolinguals and bilinguals are developing adaptive speech processing skills that are specific to the language(s) they are learning.     

Accommodating variability in voice and foreign accent: flexibility of early word representations

In six experiments with English‐learning infants, we examined the effects of variability in voice and foreign accent on word recognition. We found that 9‐month‐old infants successfully recognized words when two native English talkers with dissimilar voices produced test and familiarization items ( Experiment 1 ). When the domain of variability was shifted to include variability in voice as well as in accent, 13‐, but not 9‐month‐olds, recognized a word produced across talkers when only one had a Spanish accent ( Experiments 2 and 3 ). Nine‐month‐olds accommodated some variability in accent by recognizing words when the same Spanish‐accented talker produced familiarization and test items ( Experiment 4 ). However, 13‐, but not 9‐month‐olds, could do so when test and familiarization items were produced by two distinct Spanish‐accented talkers ( Experiments 5 and 6 ). These findings suggest that, although monolingual 9‐month‐olds have abstract phonological representations, these representations may not be flexible enough to accommodate the modifications found in foreign‐accented speech.     

Cross‐Situational Learning of Phonologically Overlapping Words Across Degrees of Ambiguity

Cross‐situational word learning (XSWL) tasks present multiple words and candidate referents within a learning trial such that word–referent pairings can be inferred only across trials. Adults encode fine phonological detail when two words and candidate referents are presented in each learning trial (2 × 2 scenario; Escudero, Mulak, & Vlach, 2016a ). To test the relationship between XSWL task difficulty and phonological encoding, we examined XSWL of words differing by one vowel or consonant across degrees of within‐learning trial ambiguity (1 × 1 to 4 × 4). Word identification was assessed alongside three distractors. Adults finely encoded words via XSWL: Learning occurred in all conditions, though accuracy decreased across the 1 × 1 to 3 × 3 conditions. Accuracy was highest for the 1 × 1 condition, suggesting fast‐mapping is a stronger learning strategy here. Accuracy was higher for consonant than vowel set targets, and having more distractors from the same set mitigated identification of vowel set targets only, suggesting possible stronger encoding of consonants than vowels.     

Lexical Learning May Contribute to Phonetic Learning in Infants: A Corpus Analysis of Maternal Spanish

In their first year, infants begin to learn the speech sounds of their language. This process is typically modeled as an unsupervised clustering problem in which phonetically similar speech‐sound tokens are grouped into phonetic categories by infants using their domain‐general inference abilities. We argue here that maternal speech is too phonetically variable for this account to be plausible, and we provide phonetic evidence from Spanish showing that infant‐directed Spanish vowels are more readily clustered over word types than over vowel tokens. The results suggest that infants’ early adaptation to native‐language phonetics depends on their word‐form lexicon, implicating a much wider range of potential sources of influence on infants’ developmental trajectories in language learning.     

Pupillometry reveals communication‐induced object expectations in 12‐ but not 8‐month‐old infants

Several interaction‐based and looking‐time studies suggest that 1‐year‐old infants understand the referential nature of deictic gestures. However, these studies have not unequivocally established that referential gestures induce object expectations in infants prior to encountering a referent object, and have thus remained amenable to simpler attentional highlighting interpretations. The current study tested whether nonlinguistic referential communication induces object expectations in infants by using a novel pupil dilation paradigm. In Experiment 1, 12‐month‐olds watched videos of a protagonist who either pointed communicatively toward an occluder in front of her or remained still. At test, the occluder opened to reveal one of two outcomes: an empty surface or a toy. Results showed that infants’ pupils were larger for the unexpected outcome of an empty surface following a point compared to the control condition (an empty surface following no point). These differences were not caused by differences in looking times or directions. In Experiment 2, an attention‐directing nonsocial control cue replaced the referential communication. The cue did direct 12‐month‐olds’ attention to the occluder, but it did not induce an object expectation. In Experiment 3, we tested 8‐month‐olds in the setting of Experiment 1. In contrast to 12‐month‐olds, 8‐month‐olds did not reveal object expectations following communication. Findings demonstrate that communicative pointing acts induce object expectations at 12 months of age, but not at 8 months of age, and that these expectations are specific to a referential‐communicative as opposed to an attention‐directing nonsocial cue.     

Call me Alix,not Elix: vowels are more important than consonants in own‐name recognition at 5 months

Consonants and vowels differ acoustically and articulatorily, but also functionally: Consonants are more relevant for lexical processing, and vowels for prosodic/syntactic processing. These functional biases could be powerful bootstrapping mechanisms for learning language, but their developmental origin remains unclear. The relative importance of consonants and vowels at the onset of lexical acquisition was assessed in French‐learning 5‐month‐olds by testing sensitivity to minimal phonetic changes in their own name. Infants’ reactions to mispronunciations revealed sensitivity to vowel but not consonant changes. Vowels were also more salient (on duration and intensity) but less distinct (on spectrally based measures) than consonants. Lastly, vowel (but not consonant) mispronunciation detection was modulated by acoustic factors, in particular spectrally based distance. These results establish that consonant changes do not affect lexical recognition at 5 months, while vowel changes do; the consonant bias observed later in development does not emerge until after 5 months through additional language exposure.     

An association between mothers’ speech clarity and infants’ speech discrimination skills

The quality of speech directed towards infants may play an important role in infants’ language development. However, few studies have examined the link between the two. We examined the correlation between maternal speech clarity and infant speech perception performance in two groups of Mandarin‐speaking mother–infant pairs. Maternal speech clarity was assessed using the degree of expansion of the vowel space, a measure previously shown to reflect the intelligibility of words and sentences. Speech discrimination in the infants (6–8 and 10–12‐month‐olds) was measured using a head‐turn task. The results show that mothers’ vowel space area is significantly correlated with infants’ speech discrimination performance. Socioeconomic data from both parents show that the result cannot be attributed to parental socioeconomic factors. This study is correlational and therefore a causal relationship cannot be firmly established. However, the results are consistent with the view that maternal speech clarity directly affects infants’ early language learning.     

The Ontogeny of Long‐Term Retention During the Second Year of Life

Developmental changes in retention were assessed in two experiments with 18‐ and 24‐month‐old infants. In both experiments, infants were tested in a deferred imitation paradigm. In Experiment 1, independent groups of infants were tested either immediately or after delays of 1, 14, 28 or 56 days. There was no age‐related difference in the spontaneous production of target actions (baseline) or in immediate imitation. There were age‐related changes in retention after longer delays. Eighteen‐month‐olds exhibited retention for 14 days and 24‐month‐olds exhibited retention for at least 56 days. In Experiment 2, the maximum duration of retention by 24‐month‐olds was assessed. Independent groups of infants were tested after 3 or 6 months. Infants exhibited some evidence of retention after 3 months; however, forgetting was complete after 6 months.