The influence of belief that a car crashed on witnesses' estimates of civilian and police car speed

The authors performed 2 experiments investigating the influence of the belief that a vehicle crashed on witnesses' estimates of the vehicle's speed. In Experiment 1, participants saw a video of a civilian car being driven, after which they were assigned to 1 of 2 conditions. The 1st group was told that the vehicle subsequently crashed; the 2nd group was not told that the vehicle crashed. The results indicted no differences between the 2 groups on a number of factors, including estimates of the vehicle's speed. Experiment 2 was identical except that the video showed a police car using flashing lights and sirens. Participants who had been told that the car had crashed overestimated speed, the likelihood of a crash, and the likelihood of someone being killed. Participants who were not told that the vehicle crashed estimated the speed of the vehicle accurately. Confidence in their estimates of speed was not significantly different between the 2 groups. Results are discussed with regard to police investigations of road accidents.     

An experimental examination of the effects of alcohol consumption and exposure to misleading postevent information on remembering a hypothetical rape scenario

We experimentally examined the effects of alcohol consumption and exposure to misleading postevent information on memory for a hypothetical interactive rape scenario. We used a 2 beverage (alcohol vs. tonic water) × 2 expectancy (told alcohol vs. told tonic) factorial design. Participants (N = 80) were randomly assigned to conditions. They consumed alcohol (mean blood alcohol content = 0.06%) or tonic water before engaging in the scenario. Alcohol expectancy was controlled by telling participants they were consuming alcohol or tonic water alone, irrespective of the actual beverage they were consuming. Approximately a week later, participants were exposed to a misleading postevent narrative and then recalled the scenario and took a recognition test. Participants who were told that they had consumed alcohol rather than tonic reported fewer correct details, but they were no more likely to report incorrect or misleading information. The confidence–accuracy relationship for control and misled items was similar across groups, and there was some evidence that metacognitive discrimination was better for participants who were told that they had consumed alcohol compared with those told they had tonic water. Implications for interviewing rape victims are discussed.     

Effects of viewing real versus fantasy violence upon interpersonal aggression

Of 96 male undergraduates, one-third saw a violent film which they were told represented a real event, one-third saw the same film presented as a fictional event, and the remaining subjects saw no film. One-half of the subjects in each group had been attacked previously by a confederate while the others had not. Each subject was then given an opportunity to aggress against the confederate by administering shocks to him as punishment in a learning task. Results indicate that subjects who observed real violence delivered stronger shocks to the confederate than subjects who viewed fantasy violence or saw no film. Subjects who were angered and saw the real film were the most punitive toward the confederate.     

Memory distortions develop over time: recollections of the O.J. Simpson trial verdict after 15 and 32 months

Fifteen or 32 months after the verdict was announced in the O.J. Simpson murder trial, we asked college students about how they had heard the news, and we compared their responses with what they had told us 3 days after the verdict. Our study is the first to have assessed recollective accuracy at two different intervals more than 1 year after a noted public event. The quality of the recollections after 32 months was strikingly different from the quality of the recollections after 15 months. After 15 months, 50% of the recollections were highly accurate, and only 11% contained major errors or distortions. After 32 months, only 29% of the recollections were highly accurate, and more than 40% contained major distortions. Retention interval appears to be an important factor determining the frequency of memory distortions, and differences in the retention interval across studies may account for some of the contradictions in the flashbulb-memory literature. Metamemory errors and source memory difficulties are a likely basis of poor memory performance after long retention intervals. The results highlight the marked qualitative changes in recollections that can occur between 1 and 3 years after information has been acquired.     

Postidentification feedback affects real eyewitnesses

Many studies of simulated eyewitness situations have shown that under certain laboratory conditions, people's confidence about their identifications predicts their accuracy, but that their reported confidence can be affected by telling them that they chose the suspect. In this study, eyewitnesses (n= 134) to real crimes took part in lineups at an identification suite in the United Kingdom and were asked questions about their memory both before and after they were told whether they had identified the suspect or a filler. Before the eyewitnesses were told whether they had identified the suspect or a filler, their responses to several questions reliably differentiated between those who identified the suspect and those who identified a filler. In addition, responses to the memory questions were affected by telling the eyewitnesses whether or not they had identified the suspect. These results show that postidentification feedback affects real eyewitnesses and highlight the importance of recording meta-memory variables before an eyewitness discovers whether he or she has identified the suspect.     

The Use of Environmental Clues During Incubation

ABSTRACT: Three experiments tested the prediction that incubation effects are caused by interactions between activation and environmental clues. Participants worked on 20 experimental problems and then were informed that they would have a second chance to work on the problems. Half were told they might see clues before returning to the problems and were instructed to try to use such clues. Participants then had an incubation period during which they generated words from the letters of test words. The test words were either semantically related to experimental problem answers, the actual answers, or unrelated words. Finally, all participants again tried to solve the experimental problems. Resolution, calculated as the number of items solved during the second trial that were not solved initially, was measured. Participants who saw answers during incubation resolved more items than those who saw related words. In Experiment 3, participants receiving no instructions did not differ across clue conditions, whereas instructed participants who saw answers resolved more problems than those who received related words. Participants in the instructed and unrelated condition performed significantly worse than those in the instructed and answer condition. Incubation effects occurred only when participants who were shown answers were also given instructions. No support was found for the theory that incubation effects are caused solely by environmental clues and activation.     

Intuitive Conceptions of Dead Persons' Mentality: A Cross-Cultural Replication and More

Jesse Bering (2002) investigated how American university students in an interview task conceived of dead persons' mentality immediately after death. He found that different categories of mental states or capacities were conceived differently: psychobiological and perceptual states ceased, whereas emotional, desire, and epistemic states continued. Our Study 1 was a replication of Bering's experiment in a different cultural setting, in which the subjects were Chinese undergraduate students. A similar pattern of results was found. In Study 2, instead of being asked about a dead person's various mental states immediately following the death, participants were asked to judge a dead person's mental states after the person had been dead for 2 days. The overall pattern of participants' responses was not affected by this manipulation, but they did show an increase in attributions of certain mental states to dead agnostics. In addition, a more refined breakdown of responses revealed that individuals tended to judge that, upon death, visual and auditory perception continued, whereas olfactory and gustatory sensation ceased.     

The influence of demand characteristics and expectancies in the measurement of salivary response

The sensitivity of salivary response measures to demand and expectancies was studied. One hundred thirty-one college students were tested for increases or decreases in salivation under one of three conditions: (a) when told to imagine the taste of another food more or less palatable than a target food; (b) when given a placebo pill that, they were told, would alter their salivation; and (c) when given direct instructions to alter their salivation. The type of instructions subjects received altered their salivation response. Specifically, subjects told to increase salivation had higher levels than those told to decrease salivation. These results suggest that salivation measures, which have been viewed by some as refractory to demand and related effects, can be controlled. Additional results of the study call for further validation of salivation as a measure of hunger and perceived food palatability.     

Perceived reality of visually mediated hazards and beliefs about risk

The aim of the present paper was to explore whether beliefs about risk are affected by media content authenticity as perceived by the viewers. A total of 69 participants were shown either a fictional or a reality‐based film on nuclear power. They rated risk perception prior to and after the film as well as ten days later, reactions to the film experience, and items of the scale for Need for Cognition. Results showed that individuals high in need for cognition were more accurate in their judgment of the authenticity of films, but were as influenced in their risk perception as their counterparts. Nuclear risk ratings showed a significant and large increase immediately upon the film session, but had resumed pre‐film level when measured ten days later. The potential influence of perceived content authenticity on risk perception is discussed in light of increasingly transformed patterns of media consumption. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Preschoolers continue to trust a more accurate informant 1 week after exposure to accuracy information

To determine whether children retain a preference for a previously accurate informant only in the short term or for long‐term use, 3‐ and 4‐year‐old children were tested in two experiments. In both experiments, children were given accuracy information about two informants and were subsequently tested for their selective trust in the two informants (Experiment 1: immediately, 1 day and 1 week later; Experiment 2: immediately, 4 days and 1 week later). Both age groups preferred to trust the accurate informant not only immediately after receiving accuracy information but also at subsequent time‐points. Children who were immediately able to explicitly identify the accurate informant were significantly more likely to seek and accept information from her 1 week later. However, even when they had not been asked to explicitly identify the accurate informant both age groups still maintained their preference for her. Thus, by 3 years of age, children spontaneously choose a previously accurate informant up to 1 week after exposure to information regarding her accuracy.     

Temporal effects on attributions for one's own behavior: The role of task outcome

Previous investigations into how attributions for one's own behavior change over time have resulted in surprisingly inconsistent results. Two experiments were conducted to account for these discrepant findings. In Experiment 1 male undergraduates were given feedback indicating that they had done either well or poorly on a skill-assessment test. Half of the subjects believed they were being videotaped when performing the test, half did not. In addition, half of the subjects completed attribution questionnaires immediately after the feedback, whereas half completed the questionnaires 2 or 3 days later. It was found that subjects who felt they had succeeded on the task made attributions that were more dispositional over time and subjects who felt they had failed made attributions that were more situational over time. No effect for the videotape manipulation was found. Experiment 2 replicated the task outcome effect and provided evidence suggesting that the effect was caused by a selective forgetting of unflattering attributions.     

An investigation of the partial-assignment completion effect on students' assignment choice behavior

This study was designed to investigate the partial assignment completion effect. Seventh-grade students were given a math assignment. After working for 5 min, they were interrupted and their partially completed assignments were collected. About 20 min later, students were given their partially completed assignment and a new, control assignment that contained the same number of equivalent problems that were incomplete on their partially completed assignment. Students were told that they would have to complete an assignment but could choose which assignment they completed. Significantly more students chose their partially completed assignment. Theoretical and applied implications and directions for future research are discussed.     

Students' perceptions and reported use of their memories after a memory-improvement course

23 college students who had taken a memory-improvement course completed a questionnaire at three different times: the beginning of the course, the end of the course, and two months after the end of the course. The questionnaire assessed the students' perceptions of their memory abilities, e.g., how good their memories were and how confident they were in their memories and knowledge about their memories, and their reported use of the memory techniques; it did not assess actual memory performance or ability. The students' responses to the questionnaire were compared with those of 23 control students who completed the questionnaire at the same three times. The memory students reported more positive changes in how they perceived their memory abilities and knowledge, and these reported changes in perceptions were still evident two months later. The students also reported that they were still using their memory techniques two months later.     

Leading questions and the eyewitness report

A total of 490 subjects, in four experiments, saw films of complex, fast-moving events, such as automobile accidents or classroom disruptions. The purpose of these experiments was to investigate how the wording of questions asked immediately after an event may influence responses to questions asked considerably later. It is shown that when the initial question contains either true presuppositions (e.g., it postulates the existence of an object that did exist in the scene) or false presuppositions (e.g., postulates the existence of an object that did not exist), the likelihood is increased that subjects will later report having seen the presupposed object. The results suggest that questions asked immediately after an event can introduce new—not necessarily correct—information, which is then added to the memorial representation of the event, thereby causing its reconstruction or alteration.     

A Resume of Some Make-A-Picture-Story (MAPS) Test Results

Summary: Two experiments were conducted to examine the determinants of affective guilt states, and to examine the interrelationships among one measure of dispositional guilt, and two measures of affective guilt. In study 1, women who were high in affective trait guilt had higher guilt states after being required to make sexual responses to sexual double-entendre words. In study 2, high affective trait guilt women had higher guilt states after being told they would be required to make sexual responses, but before they actually made any responses. The hypothesized relationship between a measure of dispositional guilt and a measure of affective state guilt was not found in either experiment.     

Temporal dynamics of guilt: changes in the role of interpersonal and intrapsychic factors

Baumeister, Stillwell and Heatherton (1994) argue that guilt serves primarily interpersonal functions and take issue with more traditional intrapsychic accounts of guilty feelings, in which causality, responsibility, and blame are emphasized. We examined the validity of these claims by asking 198 college students to imagine that they destroyed the valued property of either their best friend or mother, under each of three conditions of causal responsibility (accidental, foreseeable, unjustifiably intended). They then rated the reactions they anticipated from the victim (anger, disappointment; change in impression of the perpetrator), their perceived blameworthiness, aspects of causality, and how guilty they would feel immediately after perpetrating the harm as well as an entire day later. Imagined guilt was curvilinearly related to responsibility at time 1, but linearly at time 2. Results suggest that people only weigh interpersonal concerns more heavily after time has elapsed, but that both factors integrally affect feelings of guilt. © 1997 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Memory Conformity for New and Old Items with Immediate and Delayed Testing

Memory conformity for images was examined using a mixed factorial design. Participants were presented with 50 images then later completed an old/new recognition test on these plus 50 fillers. Some received post‐event information (PEI) attributed to a co‐witness that was introduced either soon after the original 50 images were presented or 2 days later. The memory test was either soon after the co‐witness PEI was shown or 2 days later. When the memory test was 2 days after receiving PEI, the PEI had no effect. PEI had a large effect when presented just before testing. The memory conformity effect was largest when PEI was presented, and the when memory test was completed 2 days after the initial presentation. Memory conformity effects were larger for new items than for old when PEI immediately preceded the test. Thus, the PEI affected the false alarm rate more than the hit rate. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Dissonance-induced false memories: Evidence from a free-choice paradigm

People often misremember the past as consistent with the present. Recent research using an induced-compliance paradigm has revealed that cognitive dissonance is one mechanism that can underlie this memory distortion. We sought to replicate and extend this finding using a free-choice paradigm: Participants made either an easy or a difficult choice between two smartphones and, either immediately or two days later, reported their memories for their decision experience. Participants who made a difficult decision produced the spread-of-alternatives effect expected by dissonance theory, and they were also more likely than those in the easy conditions to misremember their initial decision more favourably than they had initially rated it. Overall, our findings replicate the effect of dissonance on memory distortion and, further, show that the effect generalises to other dissonance-inducing situations.     

Asymmetry of doubt in medical self-diagnosis: the ambiguity of "uncertain wellness".

In 2 studies Ss received a clear or an unclear diagnosis, indicating either disease or no disease. In Experiment 1, Ss responded to a hypothetical bacteria test. In Experiment 2, Ss performed 2 saliva tests purportedly measuring risk for pancreatic disorders. Responses to the unclear well diagnosis were unique in several ways. Ss thought the test more invalid, inferred a greater likelihood of illness from a 2nd identical result, saw the disorder as more pernicious, and held no self-protective beliefs about the test or the disease. Moreover, desire for treatment among these Ss was as great as among those receiving a clear diagnosis of illness. Possible mechanisms are discussed, as are potential applications to clinical issues and to the development and maintenance of hypochondriacal health concerns.