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1.
Abstract: Pragmatism involves simultaneous commitments to modes of inquiry that are philosophical and historical. This article begins by demonstrating this point as it is evidenced in the historicist pragmatisms of William James and John Dewey. Having shown that pragmatism focuses philosophical attention on concrete historical processes, the article turns to a discussion of the specific historiographical commitments consistent with this focus. This focus here is on a pragmatist version of historical inquiry in terms of the central historiographical categories of the object of historical inquiry and mode of historical periodization. After describing the basic historiographical consequences of pragmatism's historicism, the article moves to a discussion of the philosophical results of this historicism. The focus here is on the role that historical inquiry can play in the general philosophical perspective of pragmatism as well as on some recent texts that exemplify the dual pragmatist commitment to philosophy and history.  相似文献   

2.
In this essay I offer a novel interpretation of Calvin's eschatological imagination and the ways the latter shapes Calvin's overall theological narrative. In addition to his explicit, infralapsarian eschatology, which circles around the reconciling work of the incarnate Christ, Calvin also has an implicit, supralapsarian eschatology, according to which human beings were created for an upward journey toward God, mediated by the non‐incarnate divine Word. Tracing the contours of this eschatology sheds new light on Calvin's account of mediation, incarnation, and expiation, his understanding of the end of Christ's mediatory work, and the contemporary discussion about Calvin and deification.  相似文献   

3.
Among the masses of migrant populations driven to leave their countries against the backdrop of European decolonialization, North African Jews occupy a special place. Within several competing versions of the history of Moroccan Jews, recent historiographical debates reveal the political and memorial importance that this history represents for its various participants. Because the boundaries of memory are unstable, this article aims at understanding the interactions between memory and history. It outlines, first, the historical and historiographical context and presents the results of two oral history surveys, one conducted in the 1980s (N?=?27 in 1984–1986), the other more recently (N?=?15 in 2009–2010), and which draw upon a collection of life stories of men and women who left Morocco and went to Montreal in the 1980s and 1990s. It presents their answers to the questions of the circumstances under which these migrations took place and their memories of them today. These stories could then be transcribed and transmitted within a narrative that embodies both its historical meaning and their memory of it. Within this coping system, which denies the trauma associated with their departure en masse from Morocco, the interviewees hope to be considered as full members of the Sephardi diaspora and as Quebec citizens.  相似文献   

4.
Heidegger's deconstruction of the history of Western metaphysics has been a major influence behind poststructural critiques of modernity as well as more apologetic attempts to maintain a dialogue with historical sources, such as Gadamer's philosophical hermeneutics. This bifurcation has intensified the ambiguity of Heidegger's project: was it an attempt to relinquish philosophical ties to the past or a call for a fundamental reinterpretation of them? In this article I argue the latter, focusing my analysis on Heidegger's notions of appropriation and historicity. On the one hand, appropriation is the hermeneutical event by which ontology is reinfused into a reading of historical sources. On the other hand, historicity is the self‐reflexive historical involvement by which we become aware of what contemporary, philosophical conditions necessitate this reengagement. In the end, Heidegger's critique of metaphysics arises from this self‐reflexivity. It deconstructs the prevailing misunderstandings of philosophical sources in order to allow for reinterpretation at a revivified ontological level constantly in view of the question of being.  相似文献   

5.
This article explores how Aquinas's and Calvin's theology of justification, the law and the nature of human works integrate with their interpretations of Romans by analyzing their commentaries on 1:16b–17, focusing on the iustitia Dei, and 2:13, which addresses the relationship between works and justification. Aquinas's interpretation unfolds by emphasizing the work of Christ in and through sinners, while Calvin's interpretation emphasizes the work of Christ for and to sinners. I also demonstrate how the theological judgements embedded in these sections inform their reading of Romans as a whole.  相似文献   

6.
7.
This article focuses on the remarks of Conrad Badius – in the preface to his publication of Plusieurs sermons of Calvin's – about the ‘vehemence’ of sermons relating to the Lord's Supper. By comparing two of Badius's prefaces in editions of Calvin's sermons, it becomes clear that he chose his words intentionally. On examining here the rhetorical background of vehementia/véheménce, its use in the final part of Calvin's sermons is clarified. Some contemporary witnesses to Calvin's habit are cited. Moreover, in light of the role of vehemence in Calvin's preaching in general, it is shown that the context of the preparation for the sacrament and its celebration prompted Calvin to preach even more vigorously. The outcome is that Badius's comments on Calvin's preaching underline the vital importance of the Lord's Supper for the Reformer, a sacrament which required intensive and sanctifying preparation.  相似文献   

8.
This article offers a reading of a feature of John Calvin's theology that has received little attention – the role of visuality in his writings on the sacraments as developed between the years of 1536 and 1561. As an intervention into longstanding debates over the legacy of his sacramental theology, I argue that Calvin's use of visual categories to describe the sacramental event is best understood in terms of what I will call the ‘apoiconic’: a vision of divinity had through visual negation. I suggest that for Calvin the sacramental elements signal a divine absence that, in turn, redirects the gaze upward to Christ, whose spiritual presence constitutes the sacraments' substance. To make this argument, I trace the trinitarian dynamics of this ‘apoiconic vision’, where the Spirit unveils the living Christ by illumining the eyes of faith to comprehend the power of God that dwells therein. I close by reflecting on ‘apoiconicity’ as a strategy for moving beyond anxieties over materiality's idolatrous entanglements and for developing a sacramental theology that is cosmic in scope.  相似文献   

9.
In this essay Stanley Hauerwas reflects on his life's work by responding to the critical contributions found in the essays of this volume. Rather than trying to defend a “position,” Hauerwas takes this opportunity to offer further insight into how he sees his work to be driven by theology, insofar as his ethical reflection cannot be extricated from Christological considerations. It is this Christological center that allows him to avoid making a false separation between the person and work of Jesus Christ. For Hauerwas, only in maintaining its Christological center can Christian “ethics” be understood in continuity with the practices of the church, including the practice of Christian speech. Without this continuity, “ethics” fails to be theological.  相似文献   

10.
ABSTRACT

Building on Bernard Williams’ thesis about the intertwining of history and political philosophy, the essay explores how the problem of the history of dēmokratia after the late-eighteenth and over the nineteenth-century in Britain constituted a primary and critical field in which the philosophical meaning of democracy was debated. Configuring a new temporal perspective grounded in the relationship between ancient and modern democracy, historiographical works by John Gillies, William Mitford, and George Grote put forth an understanding of the concept as a battlefield, involving several conflicting meanings, narratives and historical forces. This historiographical tradition highlighted the tensions underpinning the definition of democracy in the long-term temporal frame linking antiquity and modernity. So even more than contemporary philosophical and political writings, historical understanding constituted a unique concept of democracy that both concentrated and dispersed meaning; it was not just one vision of democracy, among others, but one that acquired the paradoxical power to forge some semantic stability and coherence over time, and to accentuate the threat of the concept’s break up into distinct political premises and historical moments that constituted it.  相似文献   

11.
How should historians employ psychological insight when seeking to understand and analyze their historical subjects? That is the essential question explored in this methodological reflection on the relationship between psychology and biography. To answer it, this paper offers a historical, historiographical, and theoretical analysis of life writing in the history of psychology. It touches down in the genres of autobiography, psychobiography, and cultural history to assess how other historians and psychologists have answered this question. And it offers a more detailed analysis of one particularly useful text, Kerry Buckley's (1989) Mechanical Man, to illuminate specific ways in which historians can simultaneously employ, historicize, and critically analyze the theories of the psychologists they study. Although ostensibly about writing biographies of eminent psychologists, this article speaks to a methodological issue facing any historian contemplating the role psychological theories should play in their historical narratives.  相似文献   

12.
This paper seeks to develop a distinctly civic understanding of ‘the priesthood of all believers’ by highlighting its intercessory character. First, in conversation with Christof Gestrich and Dietrich Bonhoeffer, I will draw out the vicarious and representative dimensions of a priestly ministry that is rooted in Christ's atoning intercession. I will then show how this understanding of the general priesthood opens up interesting opportunities for dialogue with Danielle Allen's account of ‘sacrifice’ as a core democratic practice. Not only will her proposal help me refine my account of Christian priestly existence, but the latter will also amplify some Christological resonances in Allen's proposal.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

This article considers Calvin's late work, the Harmony of the Pentateuch (1563). It takes account of previous attempts to illuminate Calvin's purpose in this production by De Boer, Blacketer, Thiel, Wright and Balserak. There follows a consideration of Calvin's view of the ceremonial law for Christians, and a distinction is drawn between the Old Testament cult and the Old Testament law concerning that cult. It finally takes soundings from the work itself to argue that for Calvin, the timeless spirit of worship could be understood behind its outward expression. What matters is that God is seen to call believers out of the flow of everyday occurrence into worship.  相似文献   

14.
Abstract

This paper looks at the model of King David, particularly as revealed in the Psalms, as a model for all Christian Princes. Looking to Hebrew and Jewish models, Bucer emphasized a historical interpretation of the Psalms. For Bucer, the life of David has been set at the centre of the Psalter. Bucer, however, was also able to deconstruct and add to the ‘David’ tradition. At the heart of Bucer's appreciation of David is David as the godly prince—he administered justice wisely, he promoted public worship and he was a teacher of righteousness. Bucer's understanding of the role and importance of David meant that he could use Davidic simile and metaphor to address leaders in Europe, such as François de Valois and Edward Tudor, to attempt to win them to his version of the evangelical cause. In Bucer's David, there is, however, a detachment that lacks the powerful empathy of Luther's or Calvin's figure.  相似文献   

15.
In his recent article, ‘A Gift to Theology? Jean‐Luc Marion's ‘Saturated Phenomena’ in Christological Perspective’, Brian Robinette has critiqued Marion's phenomenology for confining theology to a one‐sided approach to Christology, one that stresses only the passive, mystical reception of Christ. To correct this imbalance, Robinette brings Marion into dialogue with those more active Christologies or ‘prophetical‐ethical’ liberation theologies of Gustavo Gutierrez, Johann Baptist Metz and others that stress a life‐praxis focused on confronting evil and suffering. In this essay I am arguing that Robinette has not fully developed the ‘logic’ of Marion's phenomenology of the ‘call and the gifted’, in which both a passive and an active element are operative. I explore more fully that very dynamic phenomenological process of the call‐and‐the‐gifted as developed in Marion's work Being Given: Toward a Phenomenology of Givenness. Once viewed in Christological perspective, and especially in light of Christ's death and resurrection, Marion's phenomenology entails an ethical trope consistent with the mission of Christ as rendered in Scriptural revelation, and thus the gap between Marion's work and the prophetical‐ethical theologies of Gutierrez and Baptist Metz becomes narrowed.  相似文献   

16.
In City of God 19.24, Augustine rejects Cicero's definition of res publica as a society founded on justice for a new definition focused on common objects of love. Robert Markus, Oliver O'Donovan, and a host of Augustinian political theologians have depicted this move as a positive gesture toward secular society. Yet this reading fails to account for why Augustine waited so long to address Cicero's definition, first discussed in Book 2, and for the radical dualism Augustine sets forth between the two cities throughout his text. I argue, in line with Rowan Williams and John Milbank, for a minority reading of Book 19 that draws upon the narrative structure of City of God. In Books 3–5, Augustine recounts the history of the earthly city according to Rome's penchant for violence and idolatry, both a function of love for temporal goods. In Book 18, Augustine traces the history of the earthly city before Rome according to the same themes, completing a narrative argument that humanity has always been divided according to differing loves. Book 19 advances the idea that such idolatry is injustice—a failure to grant God the worship he is due. With the new definition of 19.24, Augustine retains Cicero's emphasis on the importance of virtue in civic society while characteristically shifting the terms of discussion from justice to love. While such a definition means that Rome can be called a res publica, it also prompts a negative judgment upon her history according to her objects of love. Given her violence and idolatry, Rome is no better than Assyria, Babylon, Egypt, and Greece—all subject to withering critique in Book 18. Thus, Augustine's new definition does not retract but extends the polemic of City of God.  相似文献   

17.
Abstract

This paper examines the relationship between Reformation ideals of gender and sexuality with the reality of Reformed life in France in the late sixteenth century. Centring on the theory and practice of marriage, the paper examines Jean Calvin's discourse on marriage, noting his significant departure from pre-Reformation concepts of sexuality and his affirmation of companionship in the conjugal bond. Yet, the author also highlights the significant complications with, or even detractions from, this model inherent in Calvin's theology of the Fall, and his understanding of ‘subjection'. These strands of Reformed theory are then compared with two cases drawn from the registers of the consistories, or church courts, of two Protestant towns in southern France, in 1578 and 1595. The findings suggest that ideas of subjection and companionship, though helpful perhaps in the theory of marriage, rarely began to encompass the colourful and messy realities of daily life among the Huguenots.  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

Despite over a hundred years of writings about the history of psychoanalysis, from the point of view of professional intellectual historians this field remains amateurish in terms of solid scholarship. This edition of the Freud-Jones letters illustrates many of the long-standing problems. Although Jones was never one of Freud's personal favorites, it takes a subtle reading of the evidence to see the full nature of the tensions between the two. It is surprising, given the length of this text, how much additional surviving material might profitably been added.

Aside from serious shortcomings to this edition of Freud's correspondence, for example the longstanding orthodox tilt against Sandor Ferenczi, nothing like the tendentiousness associated with other editions of Freud's letters has taken place here. Future generations who get to see the full volumes of Freud's letters are going to have trouble recreating the human circumstances under which he was working. The Freud-Jones letters will remain of key interest to specialists. By now most know certain key historiographical failings on Jones's part, and it may be time now to underline how much he succeeded in accomplishing.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract: This article investigates the ways in which Calvin's controversy with Osiander has made the Reformed tradition skittish when confronted with categories of participation. An examination of the similarities between Calvin and Osiander are probed, with an eye to seeing how the debate functioned in refining Calvin's doctrine of participation whose strict trinitarian boundaries kept creature and Creator distinct.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract

Scholars proposing an early date for Calvin's ‘sudden conversion’ (between late 1527 and 1529) are influenced by Theodore Beza's account (1564). Those who propose a later dating (1533-1534) have looked for signs that show Calvin as a convinced Protestant. A crucial question is whether his conversion actually coincided with his break with the Church of Rome. In this study we follow especially the thread Calvin offers in the preface to his Psalms commentary (1557). This leads to a breakthrough date of about December 1532. It also points to his conversion and later entry into the ministry as a unity, the former as the beginning, the latter as the conclusion. During the Disputation of Lausanne (late 1536) Calvin distanced himself both from the Church of Rome and from the strategy of prudence which the évangeliques of Meaux advocated: Calvin's anti-Nicodemism was born.  相似文献   

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