主体性、客观性和主观性——实践与交往的统一性

近年来,国内哲学界围绕着主体性、主观性、客观性等问题展开了激烈的争论。一种观点认为,主体性即主观性,无客观性可言,否则就是“六经注我”。另一种观点认为,主体性虽然表现为主观性,但不排斥客观性,否则就是“只知有秦,不知有汉”。双方争论的焦点似乎集中在对主体性的不同理解上,但究其底蕴,实质是对客观性片面理解的分歧。他们都没     

关于真善美统一的问题

哲学不能只重真、只讲真,应当以真善美的统一及其最高的体现自由为立论原则。真善美三个范畴分别表达了主观性适应客观性的关系,客观性适应主观性的关系,以及主观性与客观性在双向作用中所达到的统一关系。真善美相结合,由此实现的主体与客体的统一状态是自由。     

真理的主观性

只看到真理的客观性,看不到真理的主观性,是旧唯物主义的主要缺陷。说真理的内容是客观的,其形式则是主观的,也不尽对。在辩证唯物主义看来,真理,无论其内容或形式,都有各自的客观性和主观性。     

论主体客观性的原则与范畴

论主体客观性的原则与范畴杨俊一究竟怎样才能更加全面、更加合理地界定马克思新世界观的基本原则？笔者以为,必须首先明确以下两点：（１）不能把哲学原则等同于划分哲学派别的原则。（２）马克思的哲学原则是近代哲学逻辑发展的必然结果。一、主体与哲学原则１．突出主体的作用是近代科学影响哲学思维的必然结果,不是区分哪个哲学流派的特有标志。近代科学的长足发展及其在世俗生活中成功的应用,在哲学上具有两点意义：第一,知识就是人或主体的力量;第二,科学取代了哲学直接研究世界的地位。这就迫使哲学的思维范式要发生根本的变化;主要从主体出发,反思科学的方法,通过对构成知识的感觉要素和观念要素相互关系的分析,以达到建构“科学的科学”的目的。２．主体与客观性的原则。应该明确意识到近代哲学的发展表明,突出主体并不等于突出主观性。历史的逻辑恰好相反,从主体出发却是为了限制主观盲目性,寻求类似科学客观性的哲学原则。无论是以培根“归纳三表”为代表的经验论,还是从笛卡尔“演绎四步”为代表的唯理论,都把能够避免主观性,有助于揭示知识客观性的原理作为自己的哲学原则”。二者的区别主要在于对客观性的理解不同,经验论把客观性理解为观念对感觉的可还原性;唯理论把     

《哲学研究》1989——1990年度选题(第二批)

1.主体—客体问题与本体论的关系。实践活动范围之外的存在的客观性问题。主体性与主观性的关系。2.“哲学无用论”和实用主义“工具论”对哲学功能的错误理解,二者的内在联系。3.机械反映论和任意选择论对思想发展的“源”“流”关系片面理解的认识论根源。4.辩证唯物主义的反映论与皮亚杰的建构说。认识的客观性原则与主体性原     

客观性哲学的重建及其意义——以黑格尔、鲍威尔和马克思的思想发展为主线

近代以来,以康德、雅各比和费希特为代表的主观性哲学达到了高峰,出现了以"主观性的形而上学"取代客观的"绝对者"的趋势。黑格尔在耶拿时期以"主观与客观的同一性"问题为主线,批评了主观性哲学将这种同一局限于主观性一侧的做法,通过提升客观性、给客观性以主体地位的方式,尝试着让绝对者与自我实现融合。黑格尔的客观观念论后来遭到了鲍威尔等青年黑格尔派的严厉批判,而马克思则再次恢复了客观性的权威。在19世纪前叶,马克思与黑格尔共同形成了与主观性哲学相抗衡的一方。     

实践唯物主义之管见

实践唯物主义克服了旧唯物主义的纯客观性和唯心主义的纯主观性,用实践范畴实现了主观性与客观性、自然尺度和社会历史尺度的统一。实践唯物主义立足于唯物史观,达到了自然、社会、人的三位一体,构成了包括历史观和自然观在内的完整的世界观。     

关于哲学与科学关系诸问题的讨论

哲学与科学的关系,是近年来我国学术界热烈讨论的一个问题。其中涉及哲学思维的特点,哲学与科学的关系,科学与社会进步等问题。现将讨论情况简介如下: 哲学思维的特点一种意见认为,哲学思维的基本特点是联系着主观性去追求客观性。科学的思维力求排除主观性,而追求客观性,揭示完全(当然是尽可能的)排除认识     

建构主义的客观性观念探析

在道德哲学和政治哲学领域,关于普遍主义和相对主义的争论一直持续不休,其实,这一问题涉及一个更为深层次的理论争论,即如何理解实践哲学中的客观性观念。任何规范性的实践原则要想具备规范有效性,如果不能够获得某种普遍有效的客观性解释,就很难将其确立为指导日常生活的道德规范或政治规范。因此,与之相关的客观性问题就是关键所在。核心问题是,在实践哲学领域中,是否存在这类客观性?如何理解这类客观性?要合理地理解这些问题,方法论和认识论上的背景处理就显得尤为重要。     

评价尺度的本体论研究

一 关于评价尺度的问题,我国哲学界一直是在以下三个方向上展开研究的: 其一,认识论方向.这种研究的定势是把评价归结为一种特殊的认识活动,进而把评价 尺度理解为一种特定的认识标准.例如,在传统教科书体系中,关于社会进步的评价问题被 纳入是否正确认识了社会客观规律的问题,也就是说,只有正确认识了社会客观规律,才能 对社会进步做出科学的评价.而评价所运用的尺度或标准,一是看物质文明(主要是生产力 的水平)发展到了什么程度,二是看精神文明(主要是思想教育的水平)提高到了什么状 况.由于评价尺度的问题被局限于认识论的讨论范围,因此,讨论本身往往内在地受制于传 统认识论"排除主观性"原则的约束,即排除主观性因素越是彻底,就越是接近对事物的客 观评价,评价过程成了一个不断排除主观性而接近客观性的辩证认识过程,评价尺度也成了 一个反主观主义的客观认识标准或一个唯物主义地建立起来的标准体系.这种研究的定势旨 在确立评价活动的客观性、普遍性和公正性,但用沃尔特·李普曼的话来说,它却犹如"现代性的酸",一切有关评价活动的主观性、民主性和个别性都被溶解了,主体在这里被"困惑"了.     

The Idea of the Tragic

For tragedy is a representation, not of man, but of actions and of life; the good or evil condition of men lies in action; and the telos is an action, not a characteristic. "The way people are" means their makeup; whether they are good or happy or the opposite means what they do. It is not in order to represent the human characteristics that performances are put on: characteristics, rather, are what are assumed in the dramatic performance of actions; since the deeds or story is the telos of tragedy, the telor being the most important thing.     

Oskar Schindler and Moral Theory

ABSTRACT Imagine Oskar Schindler before the bar of moral theory. Schindler, a minor industrialist, sheltered more than 1000 Jews during the Holocaust. This would seem to be a record of virtue. Or is it? The dominant consensus in moral theory stresses a rationality and universality of judgement and action that Oskar did not even consider. Efforts to interpret Schindler in universal terms by reference to human rights or to the tenet that ought implies can are entertained and denied. If Schindler's deeds are moral reality, the consensus in contemporary moral theory is the poorer for being unable to recognise them. Schindler's virtue is noteworthy in its own right and also as a limiting case for the mainline of contemporary moral theory.     

Speech production: Evidence for syntactically and phonologically determined units

The durational accuracy with which subjects can speak syntactically structured strings of words was compared with their accuracy in speaking word lists. These measurements underscored the great temporal precision of the human articulatory mechanism which appears to be the most precisely controlled movement system of the human body. Evidence is presented that when a syntactically structured message is being spoken, the centrally programmed innervational units involved in its articulatory implementation are greater in size and complexity than when a word list is being spoken.

     

The Cognitive Dynamics of Beliefs: The Effect of Information on Message Processing

This study investigated the time course of belief change from univalent versus mixed‐valence messages, both while the message was being received and after receipt while it was being considered. Hypotheses about the temporal patterns of belief change were tested with belief trajectories from S. E. McGreevy (1996) , valid N= 78, with an average number of time points per person = 5,267 (126.41 seconds) for the message‐receipt phase and 2,467 (59.22 seconds) for the postmessage phase. Results showed that while receiving a message, beliefs changed according to the value and the order of presentation of information in the message. A greater number of positive belief changes were generated in response to a positive univalent message than to a mixed‐valence message. In the postmessage phase, a greater oscillatory pattern of belief change was found for a mixed‐valence message than for a univalent message. Theoretical and methodological implications of these findings are discussed.     

A field study on watching eyes and hand hygiene compliance in a public restroom

Humans modify their behavior in a socially desirable way when being watched by others. We applied this basic idea to hand hygiene compliance, a behavior that is crucial for preventing germ transmission and successive infections in many settings. Building on the assumption that hand hygiene behavior is socially desirable, we assume that individuals show stronger hand hygiene compliance when being watched. In a field study in a women's public restroom (N = 354), we exposed individuals to a message advising that hand‐washing protects against the spread of pathogens. In the experimental condition, stylized human watching eyes were presented above the message. In the control condition, three stars were presented. Analysis revealed a significantly higher percentage of hand hygiene compliance in the watching eyes condition (83.3%) compared to the control condition (71.9%; odds ratio: 1.95, p = .01). The applied value for employers and public institutions is discussed.     

Letting people off the hook: when do good deeds excuse transgressions?

Three studies examined when and why an actor's prior good deeds make observers more willing to excuse--or license--his or her subsequent, morally dubious behavior. In a pilot study, actors' good deeds made participants more forgiving of the actors' subsequent transgressions. In Study 1, participants only licensed blatant transgressions that were in a different domain than actors' good deeds; blatant transgressions in the same domain appeared hypocritical and suppressed licensing (e.g., fighting adolescent drug use excused sexual harassment, but fighting sexual harassment did not). Study 2 replicated these effects and showed that good deeds made observers license ambiguous transgressions (e.g., behavior that might or might not represent sexual harassment) regardless of whether the good deeds and the transgression were in the same or in a different domain--but only same-domain good deeds did so by changing participants' construal of the transgressions. Discussion integrates two models of why licensing occurs.     

Resistance to persuasive messages as a function of majority and minority source status

Three experiments examined the extent to which attitudes following majority and minority influence are resistant to counter-persuasion. In Experiment 1, participants’ attitudes were measured after being exposed to two messages which argued opposite positions (initial pro-attitudinal message and subsequent, counter-attitudinal counter-message). Attitudes following minority endorsement of the initial message were more resistant to a (second) counter-message than attitudes following majority endorsement of the initial message. Experiment 2 replicated this finding when the message direction was reversed (counter-attitudinal initial message and pro-attitudinal counter-message) and showed that the level of message elaboration mediated the amount of attitude resistance. Experiment 3 included conditions where participants received only the counter-message and showed that minority-source participants had resisted the second message (counter-message) rather than being influenced by it. These results show that minority influence induces systematic processing of its arguments which leads to attitudes which are resistant to counter-persuasion.     

The Apology Paradox

Some leaders and citizens think it appropriate to apologize for historical injustices like slavery or the dispossession of indigenous people. But can we sincerely say 'Sorry' for the deeds of our forebears? By making an apology we are expressing regrets for what they did: we are saying that we prefer that these deeds had not been done. However, if these deeds had not been done, history would have been different, and probably we would not exist. Since most of us are glad to be alive, it seems that our apologies must be insincere. I discuss a number of proposed solutions to this paradox.     

Attentional strategies in dichotic listening

A person can attend to a message in one ear while seemingly ignoring a simultaneously presented verbal message in the other ear. There is considerable controversy over the extent to which the unattended message is actually processed. This issue was investigated by presenting dichotic messages to which the listeners responded by buttonpressing (not shadowing) to color words occurring in the primary ear message while attempting to detect a target word in either the primary ear or secondary ear message. Less than 40% of the target words were detected in the secondary ear message, whereas for the primary ear message (and also for either ear in a control experiment), target detection was approximately 80%. Furthermore, there was a significant negative correlation between buttonpressing performance and secondary ear target-detection performance. The results were interpreted as being inconsistent with automatic processing theories of attention.     

Online health communication about human genetics: perceptions and preferences of internet users.

Unprecedented advancements in human genetics research necessitate keeping the public abreast of new information, applications, and implications and the Internet represents an important method of communicating with the public. Our research used cross-sectional self-report survey data collected from a diverse convenience sample of 780 Internet users in two states. Multivariate regression analysis explored the relationships between experiences, perceptions, and preferences for online health and genetics communication. Online health information seeking was associated with previous genetic information seeking, comfort with online genetic communication, perceived risk for genetic abnormality, being female, and having more education. Comfort with online genetics communication was associated with a preference for online genetic information, previous online health and off-line genetics information seeking, having a healthy lifestyle, believing in the positive impact of human genetics research, and being female. Perceiving online health information to be accurate was associated with preferring the Internet for genetics communication, being older, less educated, and perceiving Internet use as anonymous. Preferring online genetics communication to other communication channels was associated with perceiving online health information as accurate, being comfortable receiving online genetics information, having lower intrinsic religiosity, and being male. The implications of findings for Web-based health message design are discussed.