The dangerous nature of intimate relationship stalking: threats, violence, and associated risk factors.

Although previous studies of forensic and law enforcement stalking populations (Harmon, Rosner, & Owens, 1995; Meloy & Gothard, 1995; Zona, Sharma, & Lane, 1993) agree that the degree of intimacy of the victim-suspect relationship is an important factor in stalking cases, they have not conducted in-depth analyses of this variable. This study compared 223 intimate (n=135) and non-intimate (n=88) stalking cases managed by the Los Angeles Police Department's Threat Management Unit. A path analysis revealed a significant relationship between the stalkers' intimate versus non-intimate status and violence committed toward persons and property. This relationship was positively influenced by the suspect's level of proximity to the victim and threats toward the victim and property, but not influenced by suspect's criminal, psychiatric, and domestic violence histories. Overall, intimate relationship stalkers used more dangerous stalking behaviors than non-intimate relationship stalkers. Risk factors for assessing dangerousness of stalkers are discussed.     

The female stalker

A study of 143 female stalkers was conducted, part of a large North American sample of stalkers (N=1005) gathered from law enforcement, prosecutorial, and entertainment corporate security files (Mohandie, Meloy, Green McGowan, & Williams, 2006). The typical female stalker was a single, separated, or divorced woman in her mid-30s with a psychiatric diagnosis, most often a mood disorder. She was more likely to pursue a male acquaintance, stranger, or celebrity, rather than a prior sexual intimate. When compared with male stalkers, the female stalkers had significantly less frequent criminal histories, and were significantly less threatening and violent. Their pursuit behavior was less proximity based, and their communications were more benign than those of the males. The average duration of stalking was 17 months, but the modal duration was two months. Stalking recidivism was 50%, with modal time between intervention and re-contacting the victim of one day. Any prior actual relationship (sexual intimate or acquaintance) significantly increased the frequency of threats and violence with large effect sizes for the entire female sample. The most dangerous subgroup was the prior sexually intimate stalkers, of whom the majority both threatened and were physically violent. The least dangerous were the female stalkers of Hollywood celebrities. Two of the McEwan, Mullen, MacKenzie, and Ogloff (2009b) predictor variables for stalking violence among men were externally validated with moderate effect sizes for the women: threats were associated with increased risk of violence, and letter writing was associated with decreased risk of violence.     

‘There's no smoke without fire’: Are male ex‐partners perceived as more ‘entitled’ to stalk than acquaintance or stranger stalkers?

In a stalking scenario, the prior relationship between and the gender of stalker and victim were systematically manipulated in order to judge culpability and consequences for the persons involved. Written vignettes were presented to 168 participants who responded via seven Likert scales. Stalker‐victim relationship had three levels: ex‐partner, acquaintance and stranger. In accordance with the ‘Just World’ hypothesis (Lerner, 1980), the victim was judged as having greater responsibility for the stalking when their harasser was an ex‐partner or a prior acquaintance rather than a stranger, and police intervention was felt to be most necessary when the stalker was a stranger. Sex of stalker and victim was manipulated, and the following comparisons proved significant: when the perpetrator was male, bodily injury to the victim was seen as more likely and police intervention as more necessary than when the perpetrator was female; and male victims were viewed as more responsible for the scenario and as possessing greater powers to alleviate it. The Just World hypothesis and gender stereotypes provide a plausible account for these findings. Future research should determine whether criminal convictions show similar biases towards convicting male and stranger stalkers more often than female and ex‐partner stalkers.     

The influence of prior offender/victim relationship on offender stalking behavior

The present study examined the influence of prior offender/victim relationship on offender stalking behavior. The actions that were present within the stalking offences were recorded using content analysis of victim and witness statements, and all other relevant material within the police files of 50 stalking cases. The sample was analyzed using a non‐metric multidimensional scaling procedure known as Smallest Space Analysis. The results suggested that when a prior sexual relationship existed between the offender and the victim the offender was more likely to engage in a majority of controlling style actions. However, an offender who did not have a prior sexual relationship with the victim was more likely to engage in a majority of infatuation style actions. Therefore, the study lends support to the influence of prior relationship on the actions that offenders engage in over the stalking period. Implications of the study and future research ideas are discussed. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Stalking: Patterns,motives, and intervention strategies

Stalking is generally defined as an intentional pattern of repeated intrusive and intimidating behaviors toward a specific person that causes the target to feel harassed, threatened, and fearful, or that a reasonable person would regard as being so. Motivations for stalking include a delusional belief in romantic destiny, a desire to reclaim a prior relationship, a sadistic urge to torment the victim, or a psychotic overidentification with the victim and the desire to replace him or her. Stalkers may carry a variety of diagnostic labels, including psychotic disorders, delusional disorders, or cluster-B personality disorders, and are generally refractive to conventional psychological treatments. Risk factors for violence in a stalking scenario include a prior intimate relationship, the stalker's feeling of being rejected or humiliated, and generic risk factors for violence such as low educational level and substance abuse. Cyberstalking can be as distressing, if not more so, to victims as physical stalking due to the concealment and anonymity afforded by electronic communication. Victims may adopt varying strategies for dealing with stalkers, such as avoiding, confronting, seeking third party assistance, and accessing the legal system. Threat management specialists have offered certain recommendations that can make it easier for a victim to deter and discourage a stalker.     

Stalking

An anti-stalking law, now common in many western countries, took effect in Germany in November 2006 (§238 Criminal Code; see Infobox). Stalking occurs when a stalker follows a victim for weeks or months and shows molesting, threatening or attacking behavior. Through the continual pursuit, the victims feel at the least extremely insecure and at times afraid; in extreme cases, stalking can lead to psychological disturbances. Our investigations have shown that about 10–15% of males and 15–20% of females are stalking victims at some stage of their lives. This contribution describes the different forms of stalking and discusses the various motives for this behavior, as well as the psychological problems of the victim. It also provides some first thoughts on the psychotherapy of both stalkers and victims.     

Motives to Report Stalking Cases to the Police: A Comparison Between a Large City and a Small Town in Italy

This study aimed to analyze the cases reported to police by women who were victims of stalking. The use of police offense records is well known in investigations of victims of this phenomenon as well as other violent crimes (e.g., domestic violence). The objective was to compare the 3 motives (own safety, other safety, change habits) indicated by victims in reporting the cases to police as recorded in case files. For each motive, a comparison was made of the characteristics of victims and stalkers, the nature of the relationship between the victims and stalkers, and the characteristics of the stalking campaign, the stalker’s behaviors, the consequences to the victims, and coping strategies. This information was reported by victims to police in a large city and small town in Italy. The comparison showed that victims in large cities were less prone to report stalking cases to the police than victims in small towns. Differences addressed the duration of the stalking campaign, the behaviors involved, the consequences, and the coping strategies adopted. Police forces could benefit from the results of this research in defining both training courses for police officers and prevention courses for the general population.     

The Influence of Prior Relationship, Gender, and Fear on the Consequences of Stalking Victimization

While the findings concerning whether victim gender is associated with greater stalking consequences are equivocal, the literature is consistent that a prior victim-stalker relationship increases the severity of stalking victimization. The current study hypothesised that 1) this relationship would predict the psychological, physical, social, and economic consequences to victims, and that 2) fear may serve as a mediator of the impact of victim gender and prior relationship on the consequences of stalking. An international survey of 1,214 valid self-defined stalking victims reveals victim gender contributed to the psychological and physical consequences of stalking beyond the contribution of victim-perpetrator relationship. A more important predictor of these consequences and of social and economic consequences was fear, with women reporting greater levels than men.     

Predictors of recidivism by stalkers: a nine-year follow-up of police contacts

In a subsample of a multisite stalking study (Mohandie, Meloy, McGowan, & Williams, 2006) comprising 78 offenders from one site, 77% committed new offenses within an average follow-up of 106 months (8.8 years). Over half (56%) were charged for new stalking related offenses and 33% for violent recidivism. Violent reoffending, including sexual offenses, was predicted by risk factors consistent with existing literature: younger age at first conviction, prior release failures, and criminal history. Stalking recidivism was predicted by pre-index offending scores, using the Cormier-Lang, and prior diagnosis of a mental illness. In addition, stalkers with previously diagnosed mental illness had significantly more police contacts as complainants than those without; their recidivism was also more likely to be non-violent.     

What mad pursuit?: Obsessive relational intrusion and stalking related phenomena

The topics of stalking and obsessive relationship pursuit rapidly have gained the attention of social scientists, clinicians, and law enforcement professionals alike. This review takes stock of the burgeoning multidisciplinary literature in this area. The development of the concept of stalking and its corresponding literature is charted, delineating and contrasting the clinical/forensic and interactional/relational perspectives. The review and synthesis of current scholarship yields key conclusions regarding the incidence of stalking and obsessive relational intrusion (ORI), the various tactics and motives of stalkers and obsessive pursuers, and the consequences for victims. Further, a comprehensive typology of victim coping responses is presented, along with a sampling of theoretical frameworks designed to help explain perpetration and victimization. Several avenues for future investigation are proposed.     

Assessing the link between stalking and domestic violence

Stalking may be defined as repeated following, communicating, and contacting a person in a threatening manner that causes the person to fear, on a reasonable basis, for his or her safety. Stalking is a recent legal construct, and social scientific research on stalking is in an early stage. Given that the most common victim of stalking is an ex-intimate partner, there may be an association between stalking and domestic violence. This paper evaluates this potential link. Specifically, the literature on stalking is reviewed by means of comparing it to existing literature on typologies of domestically violent persons. It is proposed that most stalkers who target ex-intimate partners are characterologically similar to a type of batterer labeled “borderline/cyclical.” Both domestic stalkers and borderline/cyclical batterers possess traits of Cluster B personality disorders. These traits include emotional volatility, attachment dysfunction, primitive defenses, weak ego strength, jealousy, anger, substance abuse, and early childhood trauma. Further, both groups have been observed to react with rage to perceived or actual rejection or abandonment. It is suggested that applying what is known about borderline/cyclical batterers to stalkers may aid in the investigation of this phenomenon. Implications for research are discussed.     

Students Stalking Faculty: Real and Imagined Relationships

Student stalking of faculty has been relatively ignored in the literature. In contrast to stalking in general populations where in 80% of cases stalking occurs in the context of an intimate relationship, student stalking of faculty occurs in the context of prior relationships in only 14% of cases. In the present study, student stalking of faculty occurring in two situations is analyzed: situations in which there was prior social contact between the student and the professor, and situations in which there was no prior social contact between the student and the professor. Similarities between student stalking of faculty and typologies proposed for stalking in general are considered. Implications of these findings and suggestions for future work are provided.     

The relationship between loneliness and interpersonal trust during middle childhood

The authors administered measures of loneliness, generalized trust beliefs in peers, and trust beliefs in specific familiar peers (i.e., opposite-gender peers, same-gender peers, close same-gender peers) to a sample of 63 children (33 girls, 30 boys) from 4th and 5th grades (M age = 10 years, 6 months). They assessed children's trusting behavior by engaging them in a Prisoner's Dilemma game (reciprocal trusting) and by evaluating teachers' ratings. The authors found that, across gender, loneliness was negatively correlated with each measure of trust beliefs and trusting behavior. As expected, the relationship between children's loneliness and trust, specifically trust beliefs in same-gender peers, was stronger for girls than for boys. In support of an additive risk model, the authors found low trust beliefs in same-gender peers and low reciprocal trusting behavior with peers each statistically contributed to loneliness in girls.     

The prevalence of stalking of psychological therapists working in primary care by current or former clients

The prevalence of being a victim of harassment or stalking among the general population of the UK is held to be 11.8 per cent. There has been speculation that the prevalence rate would be higher for psychological therapists, as they could be at risk from their own clients. This study analysed the prevalence of job‐related experiences of harassment or stalking in a postal survey of psychological therapists who worked in primary care. The results showed a prevalence rate of more than twice the national average at 24 per cent. The stalkers, who were equally male or female, fell into three broad categories: those clients who were needy and made early attachments to their therapists; those experiencing erotic transference; and those with personality disorders. The implications of these findings for training and practice are discussed.     

The stalking of psychotherapists by current or former clients: Beware of the insecurely attached!

Abstract

A survey of psychological therapists who worked in primary care showed that the incidence of psychotherapists being harassed or stalked by their current or former clients was more than twice the national average at 24%. The stalkers fell into three broad categories: those clients who were needy and made early attachments to their therapists; those experiencing erotic transference; and those with personality disorders, especially those with a narcissistic style. All of these are disorders of attachment. This paper discusses the neurobiological development of an insecure attachment and how that manifests during therapy in stalking behaviour. Psychotherapists who are aware of the dynamics within the therapeutic relationship can take preventative steps to inhibit the automatic fear response of a client who is insecurely attached and which may lead to stalking behaviour.

A survey of psychological therapists who worked in primary care showed that the incidence of psychotherapists being harassed or stalked by their current or former clients was more than twice the national average at 24%. The stalkers fell into three broad categories: those clients who were needy and made early attachments to their therapists; those experiencing erotic transference; and those with personality disorders, especially those with a narcissistic style. All of these are disorders of attachment. This paper discusses the neurobiological development of an insecure attachment and how that manifests during therapy in stalking behaviour. Psychotherapists who are aware of the dynamics within the therapeutic relationship can take preventative steps to inhibit the automatic fear response of a client who is insecurely attached and which may lead to stalking behaviour.     

College men's and women's reactions to hypothetical sexual touch varied by initiator gender and coercion level

A sample of 152 men and 152 women (mostly Caucasian) rated their reactions to a vignette in which the subjects were to imagine receiving an uninvited genital touch from a college acquaintance. The vignette was varied so that the acquaintance was of the opposite or the same gender as the subject, and the touch was either gentle or forceful. Results indicated that women anticipated strong negative effects from receiving opposite- or same-gender touch, whether gentle or forceful. Men anticipated almost no negative effects from either a gentle or forceful touch from a female acquaintance, but expected strong negative effects from a gentle or forceful touch from a male acquaintance. Regression analyses revealed that women's reactions to opposite-gender touch were mediated by beliefs in a male norm promoting casual sex, and feelings of violation and fear of harm. Men's reactions to opposite-gender touch were influenced by feelings related to sexual arousal. Men and women's reactions to same-gender touch were related to feelings of violation and harm.     

Observing Incivility toward Coworkers and Negative Emotions: Do Gender of the Target and Observer Matter?

The purpose of the present study was to examine the relationship between observing incivility toward coworkers and negative emotions for observers. We also examined the roles target and observer gender play in this relationship. Participants included 453 restaurant employees (68% female, 76% White) mostly from the Midwest region of the U.S. who completed an online survey assessing observed incivility toward male and female coworkers. They also completed measures of anger, demoralization, fear, and anxiety at work. Results showed that participants reported more negative emotionality when they witnessed incivility toward same-gender coworkers compared to opposite-gender coworkers; this relationship was especially pronounced for male observers for anger, fear, and anxiety, and female observers for demoralization. These findings highlight the importance of secondary gender-based mistreatment and emotions in organizational contexts.     

Assessment and treatment of obsessional harassment

Obsessional harassment and stalking have become increasingly recognized as significant social problems, often with dramatic negative repercussions on the lives of victims. As the public awareness of this problematic behavior has grown, the amount of clinical attention and empirical research focused on understanding the perpetrators of harassment has increased accordingly. Nevertheless, relatively little research has addressed the numerous issues involved in the assessment and treatment of obsessional harassment offenders. This article reviews the existing research on obsessional harassment/stalking, and offers a diagnostic typology of these offenders based on the nature of the relationship with the victim and the motivation of the offender. Treatment modalities are then discussed with regard to each of the primary diagnoses that occur among obsessional harassment offenders. Finally, strategies for initiating treatment for unmotivated or unwilling offenders are discussed, along with clinical issues that arise in the evaluation and treatment process.