Estimating distance in real and virtual environments: Does order make a difference?

In this investigation, we examined how the order in which people experience real and virtual environments influences their distance estimates. Participants made two sets of distance estimates in one of the following conditions: (1) real environment first, virtual environment second; (2) virtual environment first, real environment second; (3) real environment first, real environment second; or (4) virtual environment first, virtual environment second. In Experiment 1, the participants imagined how long it would take to walk to targets in real and virtual environments. The participants’ first estimates were significantly more accurate in the real than in the virtual environment. When the second environment was the same as the first environment (real-real and virtual-virtual), the participants’ second estimates were also more accurate in the real than in the virtual environment. When the second environment differed from the first environment (real-virtual and virtual-real), however, the participants’ second estimates did not differ significantly across the two environments. A second experiment, in which the participants walked blindfolded to targets in the real environment and imagined how long it would take to walk to targets in the virtual environment, replicated these results. These subtle yet persistent order effects suggest that memory can play an important role in distance perception.     

Adaptation to Sperm Competition in Humans

ABSTRACT— With the recognition, afforded by recent evolutionary science, that female infidelity was a recurrent feature of modern humans' evolutionary history has come the development of a unique area in the study of human mating: sperm competition. A form of male–male postcopulatory competition, sperm competition occurs when the sperm of two or more males concurrently occupy the reproductive tract of a female and compete to fertilize her ova. Males must compete for mates, but if two or more males have copulated with a female within a sufficiently short period of time, sperm will compete for fertilizations. Psychological, behavioral, physiological, and anatomical evidence indicates that men have evolved solutions to combat the adaptive problem of sperm competition, but research has only just begun to uncover these adaptations.     

Modern application of evolutionary theory to psychology: key concepts and clarifications

Darwinian selection has become the centerpiece of biology, and in the past few decades many psychologists and anthropologists have recognized the value of using an evolutionary perspective to guide their work. With a focus on evolved psychological mechanisms and associated information processing features, evolutionary psychology has risen as a compelling and fruitful approach to the study of human psychology and behavior. In this article we review the instrument of evolution: natural selection, the products of evolution, and the impact of evolutionary thinking on modern psychological science. We conclude that as prejudicial barriers are overcome, as more evolutionary psychological work is conducted, and as hypothesized psychological mechanisms are substantiated in other disciplines, evolutionary psychology will emerge as the metatheory for psychology.     

Does information about what things are influence children's memory for where things are?

Two experiments examined how information about what objects are influences memory for where objects are located. Seven-, 9-, and 11-year-old children and adults learned the locations of 20 objects marked by dots on the floor of a box. The objects belonged to 4 categories. In one condition, objects belonging to the same category were located in the same quadrant of the box. In another condition, objects and locations were randomly paired. After learning, participants attempted to replace the objects without the aid of the dots. Children and adults placed the objects in the same quadrant closer together when they were related than when they were unrelated, indicating that object information led to systematic biases in location memory.     

Classroom social experiences as predictors of academic performance

A model linking children's peer acceptance in the classroom to academic performance via academic self-concept and internalizing symptoms was tested in a longitudinal study. A sample of 248 children was followed from 4th to 6th grade, with data collected from different informants in each year of the study to reduce respondent bias. A path analysis supported the model; a lack of peer acceptance in the classroom in 4th grade predicted lower academic self-concept and more internalizing symptoms the following year, which in turn, predicted lower academic performance in 6th grade. An alternative path with internalizing symptoms predicting declines in peer acceptance was tested and received some support as well. Implications of the findings for schools are discussed.     

Experiencing nearby locations together in time: the role of spatiotemporal contiguity in children's memory for location

Three studies investigated how experiencing nearby locations together in time influences memory for location. Seven-, 9-, and 11-year-old children and adults learned 20 object locations in a small-scale space. The space was divided into regions by lines or walls. In Study 1, participants learned the locations either region by region or in a random order. Following learning, participants replaced the objects without the aid of the dots marking the locations and the boundaries subdividing the space. They replaced the objects in any order they chose. After experiencing the locations in random orders during learning, only adults underestimated distances between locations belonging to the same group (i.e., region). Conversely, 9- and 11-year-old children and adults who had experienced the locations region by region during learning underestimated these distances. These findings suggest that experiencing nearby locations together in time increases the weight children assign to categorical information in their estimates of location. Results from Studies 2 and 3 in which participants learned the locations region by region and then replaced the objects region by region (Study 2) or in a random order (Study 3) were similar, highlighting the importance of spatiotemporal cues in memory for location. (c) 2002 Elsevier Science (USA).     

How Do Opportunities to View Objects Together in Time Influence Children's Memory for Location?

We conducted three experiments to investigate how opportunities to view objects together in time influence memory for location. Children and adults learned the locations of 20 objects marked by dots on the floor of an open, square box. During learning, participants viewed the objects either simultaneously or in isolation. At test, participants replaced the objects without the aid of the dots. Experiment 1 showed that when the box was divided into quadrants and the objects in each quadrant were categorically related, 7-, 9-, and 11-year-olds and adults in the simultaneous viewing condition exhibited categorical bias, but only 11-year-olds and adults in the isolated viewing condition exhibited categorical bias. Experiment 2 showed that when the objects were categorically related but no boundaries were present, 11-year-olds and adults in the simultaneous viewing condition exhibited categorical bias, but only adults showed bias in the isolated viewing condition. Experiment 3 revealed that adults exhibited bias in both simultaneous and isolated viewing conditions when boundaries were present but the objects were not related. These findings suggest that opportunities to see objects together in time interact with cues available for grouping objects to help children form spatial groups.