内隐性别刻板印象与自尊的关系研究

为了考察内隐性别刻板印象的存在广度,以及探讨它与自尊的关系,本研究采用内隐联想测验(IAT)和自尊量表(SES)考察65名大学生被试的内隐性别刻板印象和自尊水平,得出以下结论:一、大学生中普遍存在着内隐性别刻板印象,并且不同性别的内隐性别刻板印象不具有显著差异。二、有内隐性别刻板印象的人群中,不同性别的自尊水平差异不显著。三、内隐性别刻板印象与个体自尊水平的相关不显著。     

双重身份下女性对抗性别偏见的回应行为

偏见不是一种单方面的社会心理现象, 而是偏见持有者、偏见对象、旁观者等多方相互作用和共同建构的结果。当女性在作为受害者和旁观者两种不同身份时, 她们对性别偏见持有者的回应既有相同之处, 也存在着一些差异。压力应对模型和对抗偏见反应模型可作为适应女性双重身份下对抗偏见的两种解释模型, 在面对偏见持有者时, 不同身份下女性对性别偏见的回应行为主要受到乐观、代价/收益、痛苦水平和女权主义等因素的影响。未来研究应进一步聚焦对抗性回应行为的效度争议、对内隐性别偏见持有者的干预和拓展想象接触的替代作用。     

个体对不同社会阶层的内隐公平偏见及态度

考察个体对不同社会阶层的公平偏见及内隐态度，对社会治理和发展（如，缓解社会阶层之间矛盾）具有重要意义。通过两项实验对上述问题进行了探讨，采用内隐联想测验(IAT)发现，相对于低社会阶层，个体更易将公平性词汇与高社会阶层相联结（实验1）；也更易将积极性词汇与高社会阶层相联结（实验2）。上述结果表明，个体存在社会阶层偏好，对高社会阶层持有一种更加公平的、积极的内隐认知。     

社会困境中合作行为的阶层差异：自我与他人的双重视角

为了探究个体自身与他人的社会阶层对个体在社会困境中合作行为的影响及其作用机制,本研究通过问卷和实验研究来考察自身阶层的行为效应、互动对象阶层的调节效应以及信任有中介的调节作用。研究发现：（1）低阶层者倾向于比高阶层者表现出更多的合作行为;（2）感知到的互动对象阶层对不同阶层个体的合作行为存在显著的调节效应;（3）个体对互动对象的信任水平（即对他人合作行为的预期）对此调节效应起到中介作用。     

价值取向与社会距离影响经济决策的合作与冲突行为：Chicken Game的证据

采用Chicken Game博弈任务,考察了不同社会价值取向个体（亲社会者与亲自我者）在面对不同社会距离的博弈对手（朋友和陌生人）时表现出的合作与冲突行为。研究结果发现：（1）社会价值取向与社会距离交互影响个体的合作与冲突行为;（2）社会价值取向影响选择策略的反应时,亲社会者选择合作的反应时长于选择冲突的反应时,亲自我者选择合作与选择冲突的反应时没有显著差异;（3）无论对亲社会者还是亲自我者,反馈类型都显著影响个体的合作与冲突行为的选择率以及随后决策的反应时。上述结果表明,个体的合作或冲突行为,并非单一地受到社会价值取向的影响,更可能是受到个人因素（社会价值取向）与其他社会因素（比如,社会距离）的共同调节,并且在这一过程中个体会根据决策后反馈信息不断的调整自己的行为策略。     

矛盾态度对个体信息加工的影响：外显与内隐层面的比较

本研究采用“学习—再认”范式从外显和内隐两个层面探讨了矛盾态度对个体信息加工的影响。结果发现：（1）在两种加工条件下,高外显矛盾态度个体对态度客体信息再认反应时均显著短于低外显矛盾态度个体;（2）在有意加工条件下高内隐矛盾态度个体再认反应时显著长于低内隐矛盾态度个体,在无意加工条件下高低内隐矛盾组的再认反应时差异不显著;（3）对态度客体无关材料高内隐矛盾态度个体再认反应时显著长于低内隐矛盾态度个体,对有关材料二者的反应时差异不显著。该结果表明,外显与内隐的矛盾态度对个体的信息加工具有不同的影响路径,这为进一步探讨外显和内隐矛盾态度对个体心理与行为的影响机制提供了借鉴。     

社会距离与合作指数对不同年龄青少年合作行为影响的差异

本研究采用重复囚徒困境实验范式,考察了社会距离和合作指数对不同年龄青少年（初中生、高中生和大学生,且每个年龄段的被试数为40名）在博弈决策中的合作行为的影响。结果发现：（1）随着年龄的增加,青少年合作行为的总体趋势表现为下降;（2）社会距离对大学生的合作行为的正向作用显著,而中学生的合作行为却不受其影响;（3）个体合作率会受到合作指数的促进作用,但这种促进作用在大学生中表现的更为显著。即随年龄增长,个体会更少的采取合作行为,并且个体是否采取合作在更大程度上基于当前博弈中的收支情况和与博弈对象之间的社会距离。     

偏见的自我调节研究述评

偏见不是不可避免的。个体能够依靠自我调节来控制偏见反应。拥有高控制偏见内部动机且低控制偏见外部动机的个体能最有效地控制偏见, 包括内隐偏见。这类个体的控制偏见动机的内化程度最高, 而内化程度高的控制偏见动机能自动起作用。四分过程模型能分离出自动过程和控制过程对内隐测量任务的影响, 因此能更好地解释自动激活的联接和自我调节是如何交互影响行为的。未来的研究应进一步探索如何发展控制偏见内部动机和对内隐控制偏见动机的测量等问题。     

合作指数与社会距离对合作行为的影响

利用囚徒困境范式,考察了合作指数CI（0.1~0.9）与社会距离（亲密、陌生）对个体合作行为的影响。结果发现,社会距离和合作指数均会对合作行为产生影响,两者的交互效应不显著;合作率会受到合作指数的促进作用,但不会随合作指数的增高立即增长;在CI = 0.1~0.9这9个水平下,亲密被试间的合作率均显著高于陌生被试间的合作率。这一结果说明,合作指数对合作行为的促进作用存在阈值;社会距离缩小可促进个体的合作倾向增强,并更快地达到合作水平;合作指数与社会距离相互独立地影响合作行为。     

特质感恩与状态感恩对初中生合作水平的影响

为探究感恩对初中生合作水平的影响,本研究采用追踪调查与实验相结合的方法,通过两个研究分别探究了特质感恩与内在的合作倾向,状态感恩与外在的合作行为之间的关系。结果发现：（1）初中女生的特质感恩、人物取向感恩显著高于男生;初一下的合作倾向显著低于初一上、初二上时期;（2）初中生的特质感恩水平能显著正向预测合作倾向,状态感恩的唤起会增加公共物品困境中的合作行为。     

想象接触对大学生内隐态度和外显态度的影响

本研究旨在探讨想象接触对不同民族群体内隐态度和外显态度的影响。实验1和实验2分别随机选取不同先前接触经验的汉族大学生和维吾尔族大学生进行想象接触,采用“单类内隐联想测验(SC-IAT)”和外显态度量表评估不同条件下的内隐态度和外显态度。结果表明：想象接触显著提高了不同群体对外群体的内隐态度,对外显态度影响不显著;而先前接触经验对不同群体的内隐态度影响不显著,对外显态度影响显著。研究还发现,即使是已经发生过面对面接触的个体,也可以通过想象接触来提高对外群体的内隐态度,进一步拓展了想象接触在整个群际接触体系中地位和作用。     

The contact hypothesis revisited: status bias in the reduction of implicit prejudice in the United States and Lebanon

Although 50 years of research demonstrate that friendly intergroup contact reduces intergroup prejudice, the findings are based solely on self-reported, explicit prejudice. In two parallel experiments examining intergroup contact and prejudice-between Whites and Blacks in the United States (Experiment 1) and between Christians and Muslims in Lebanon (Experiment 2)-we examined whether intergroup status differences moderate contact effects on implicit prejudice, as well as explicit prejudice. Both experiments replicated the standard effect of contact on explicit prejudice. They also demonstrated that intergroup contact reduces implicit prejudice among low-status groups. In Experiment 1, the implicit prejudice of Blacks toward Whites (but not Whites toward Blacks) was reduced as a function of friendly contact. In Experiment 2, the implicit prejudice of Muslims toward Christians (but not Christians toward Muslims) was reduced as a function of friendly contact.     

Can Imagination Reduce Prejudice Over Time? A Preregistered Test of the Imagined Contact Hypothesis

Research on the imagined contact hypothesis suggests that simply imagining a positive interaction with an out-group member can reduce prejudice toward stigmatized social groups. To date, however, it remains unclear whether imagined contact has transient or long-lasting effects. This preregistered study (N?=?153) tested the hypothesis that a single session of imagined contact is sufficient for reducing explicit and implicit prejudice toward a stigmatized social group and intergroup anxiety over several days. Highlighting the power of imagination, the results suggest that imagined contact could have long-lasting effects on explicit prejudice and intergroup anxiety.     

Imagined contact can be more effective for participants with stronger initial prejudices

Imagined contact is an intervention that combines the prejudice‐reduction of intergroup contact with the easy, low‐risk application of imagery‐based techniques. Accordingly, it can be applied where direct contact is difficult or risky. However, a possible limitation of imagined contact is that it may not be effective for participants with stronger initial prejudices, which would limit its usefulness and application. Two experiments (N₁ = 103, N₂ = 95) investigated whether initial prejudice moderated imagined contact's effects on explicit attitudes, behavioral intentions (Experiment 1), implicit attitudes, and petition‐signing behaviors (Experiment 2) toward two different outgroups. In both experiments, imagined contact was more effective when initial prejudice was higher. Implications for imagined contact theory and application are discussed.     

The week after: Do the effects of imagined contact last over time?

The vast majority of studies assessing the prejudice reduction properties of imagined contact have focused so far on the immediate effects of the intervention. In an attempt to contribute to the literature examining the long‐term effects of imagined contact, the two studies reported in this paper tested the immediate and long‐term effects of imagined contact on outgroup attitudes, intergroup anxiety, and behavioral intentions in Experiment 1, and also on contact self‐efficacy in Experiment 2. Both studies were conducted in a context of entrenched intergroup conflict, Cyprus. The results supported the effectiveness of imagined contact in eliciting more positive attitudes, lower levels of anxiety, more positive behavioral intentions, and higher contact self‐efficacy when these were measured immediately after contact. However, evidence for the endurance of these effects was systematically found only for outgroup attitudes and intergroup anxiety. While these results speak to the ability of imagined contact to lead to long‐term changes in important and commonly studied intergroup outcomes, lack of consistent evidence regarding its ability to yield lasting changes on variables pertaining to intended behavior toward the outgroup compose a challenge for the intervention.     

Beware of “reducing prejudice”: imagined contact may backfire if applied with a prevention focus

Imagined intergroup contact—the mental simulation of a (positive) interaction with a member of another group—is a recently developed, low‐risk, prejudice‐reducing intervention. However, regulatory focus can moderate of the effects of prejudice‐reducing interventions: a prevention focus (as opposed to a promotion focus) can lead to more negative outcomes. In two experiments we found that a prevention focus altered imagined contact's effects, causing the intervention to backfire. In Experiment 1, participants who reported a strong prevention‐focus during imagined contact subsequently reported higher intergroup anxiety and (indirectly) less positive attitudes toward Asians. We found similar moderating effects in Experiment 2, using a different outgroup (gay men) and a subtle regulatory focus manipulation. Theoretical and practical implications for imagined contact are discussed.     

Imagine that: examining the influence of sport‐related imagined contact on intergroup anxiety and sexual prejudice across cultures

The purpose of this study was to examine (a) the relationship among sport‐related imagined intergroup contact, intergroup anxiety, and sexual prejudice, and (b) how these relationships varied across cultures. Students enrolled at major public universities in South Korea (n = 100) and the United States (n = 100) participated in an experiment in which they imagined playing basketball and then engaging in a conversation with a gay man or with a friend. They then responded to a post‐experiment questionnaire. South Koreans' intergroup anxiety significantly decreased when they imagined contact with a gay man, but the same was not necessarily the case for Americans. Intergroup anxiety mediated the relationship between imagined contact and sexual prejudice for Americans, but not for Koreans.     

Imagining intergroup contact promotes projection to outgroups

Three studies investigated the conditions under which imagining intergroup contact would lead to greater projection of positive traits to outgroups. In Experiment 1 (Mexico) imagined contact predicted greater self-outgroup positive trait overlap for majority but not minority ethnic groups. In Experiment 2 (UK) imagined contact led to greater projection of positive traits to the outgroup for lower compared to higher identifiers. In Experiment 3 (UK) imagined contact led to greater projection of positive traits to the outgroup when the self was salient compared to when the outgroup was salient. These findings suggest that the social cognitive consequences of imagined contact are most favorable for intergroup relations when the personal self, but not social self, is salient. We discuss the implications of these findings for a developing model of imagined contact effects.     

Imagined contact as a prejudice‐reduction intervention in schools: the underlying role of similarity and attitudes

The present research tested a prejudice‐reduction intervention based on imagined contact. White children imagined interacting with a child from an ethnic out‐group (Asian) once a week for 3 weeks, or did not take part in this activity (control group). Compared with the control group, children who engaged in imagined contact subsequently showed more positive attitudes, greater perceived similarity, and willingness for intergroup contact. The effect of the intervention on willingness for contact was mediated by positive attitude change. Implications for imagined‐contact theory and the development of prejudice‐reduction techniques for schools are discussed.     

The Failure of Imagined Contact in Reducing Explicit and Implicit Out-Group Prejudice Toward Male Homosexuals

A considerable amount of research has demonstrated the value of imagined contact in reducing social prejudice. The current study investigated the efficacy of imagined intergroup contact in improving attitudes towards male homosexuals on both explicit and implicit measures. Eighty-five heterosexual undergraduate students were randomly allocated to one of three conditions: imagined interaction, prime control or unrelated imagery control. Overall, no significant differences were found between the imagery conditions for either the explicit or implicit attitude measures, even when controlling for prior contact. Accordingly, the present findings, unlike those of Turner et al. (Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 93: 369–388, 2007b) and (Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 10: 427–441, 2007a), do not offer support for the effectiveness of indirect contact in reducing prejudice toward male homosexuals. Some explanations for the inconsistency of findings are discussed.