Talent for Citizenship and the American Dream: the USA as Outlier in the Global Race for Talent

The failed 2007 US Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act (CIRA) included a “points-based system,” a proposal to shift toward supply-driven, merit-based selection. In an intensely polemic environment, this largely Republican initiative was opposed strongly by Democrats who argued that skill-based selection would weaken the traditional moral foundation of the USA, enshrined in its policy of family reunification. Through critical discourse analysis of policy documents and political rhetoric on the floor of the Senate during the CIRA debate, I explore the complexity of the relationship between neoliberalism, race, and immigration policy in the USA. I argue that the points-based system, which would severely disadvantage immigrants from the global south, became a foil for talk about Latino migration. The CIRA debate demonstrates the conflict in the USA between a need for (unskilled) labor and a nation-building project that excludes Latino migrants.     

Response to Bill of Rights Paraphrases as Influenced by the Hip or Straight Attire of the Opinion Solicitor1

A sample of 375 white middle class residents of suburban Sacramento was randomly distributed among 3 experimental conditions of exposure to paraphrases of the Bill of Rights. The paraphrases were in the form of letters to the “Subcommittee on Crime and Disorder” of the California State Senate. A far greater proportion of subjects would endorse a “negative”, somewhat authoritarian version of the Bill of Rights than would sign either a “real” paraphrase of the original text or a rather equivocal “wishy-washy” bill. A minority of those shown the “real” bill would sign it. Solicitors dressed as “straights” were more likely to elicit signatures from subjects than were “hips”. The latter effect was observable, however, only for subjects in the negative and to a lesser extent the wishy-washy bill conditions. When the “real” bill was presented the attire of the solicitor made no difference. While an alternative interpretation was viable, the results were explained in terms of reactance (Brehm, 1966) and Rokeach's (Rokeach & Mezei, 1966) hypothesis that liking is mediated by inferred congruity of beliefs.     

The “discovery” of immigration in Spain: The politicization of immigration in the case of El Ejido

During the second half of the 1980s and the 1990s immigration in Spain raised keen interest in relatively restrictive circles (the administration, associations, academia, etc.), who shared the opinion that “Spain was experiencing a demographic transformation, turning from a country of emigration into a country of immigration”. As we enter the 21st century it is witnessing another important qualitative change. the issue is no longer a matter of administrative and “technical” concern, but political parties and society in general have begun to take it seriously. At the beginning of this decade then, this topic has become a “cuestión de Estado” (Raison d'État).A general overview based on relevant events over the period 1999–2001 shows us how immigration has definitively entered the social and political agenda. The purpose of this article is to examine the impact of this migration dynamic through a case study: the riots that took place in a market-gardening town in southeast Spain, El Ejido, in February 2000. Of all social events, El Ejido is the one that has played a pivotal role in framing the political and social debate, since it synthesises the main issues reflecting the Spanish management of immigration. These events have been the subject of many articles and books offering different and controversial interpretations. With El Ejido, Spain “discovered” immigration and began to undertake the formulation of its immigration issue. This is why it is worth focusing on this case study. The main questions I will pose are: what can we learn form the Spanish context? How can the contextual analysis of the El Ejido case study contribute to the debate on multicultural citizenship in Europe? My reasoning will move from the analysis of the particular context to subsequent theoretical reflections. In the concluding remarks I will summarize the main arguments challenging Spanish management of immigration two years after El Ejido.     

Portugal’s Immigration and Integration Policies: a Case Apart?

Most countries in Europe have seen the rise of anti-immigrant political parties in recent years and many have implemented more restrictive immigration measures. Portugal has moved in the opposite direction, seeking to produce some of the best practices and laws on immigration and immigrant integration. Traditional theories of immigration policy fail to account for the Portuguese case, and regional models of immigration overlook ways in which Portugal diverges. Instead, Portuguese policies are best understood as the product of (1) a political consensus on immigration that derives in part from Portugal’s social-revolutionary democratic transition; (2) innovative institutions that enjoy both autonomy and political support, enable a “whole-of-government” approach, and mediate social pressures created by immigration; and (3) leadership choices made by politicians, bureaucrats, and civil society groups to forge consensus and seek inclusion. The Portuguese case signals the importance of adopting other lenses for the comparative study of immigration policies that go beyond regional models and highlight policy similarities among countries from distinct regions.     

Do Threats Galvanize Authoritarians or Mobilize Nonauthoritarians? Experimental Tests from 19 European Societies

Authoritarian predispositions and contextual threats are both thought to result in intolerance and prejudice towards immigrants and other minorities. Yet there is considerable dispute as to how authoritarianism and threat interact to produce an “authoritarian dynamic.” Some scholars argue that threats increase intolerance by “galvanizing” authoritarians. Others claim that authoritarians are always intolerant toward outgroups, with threat instead “mobilizing” nonauthoritarians. Using experimental manipulations of immigrant cultural threat embedded in nationally representative samples from 19 European societies, this study offers a test of these competing hypotheses. While we find some evidence for the “galvanizing” hypothesis, we find no evidence for the “mobilizing” hypothesis. The effects vary considerably across national samples however, with immigrants from Muslim societies being particularly likely to activate authoritarian predispositions. These findings show how the migration of culturally distinctive groups has the potential to activate authoritarian dispositions, thereby pushing the issue of immigration to the center of political debates.     

Consequences of the American States’ Legislative Action on Immigration

Over the past decade, US states have responded to federal inaction on comprehensive immigration reform by increasing their output of immigrant policies, both beneficial and restrictive. Although there is a growing empirical literature focused on predicting such activity by states, less is known, especially on a broad scale, about the state-level consequences associated with the policy tone states adopt toward immigrants. To better understand the consequences of restrictive immigrant policies, we created a restrictive score for each state year between 2005 and 2014 and employed linear regression with panel-corrected standard errors to investigate effects on immigrant-related demographics, economic factors, and political participation. We found that states with higher restrictive policy tones do experience reductions in the number of foreign-born residents, including Hispanics and those with limited English proficiency, a goal of many state legislators who favor restrictive policies. States with restrictive policy tones showed reductions in unemployment and poverty rates as well, which are also professed goals for restrictive policy activity. Mediation analyses suggested that the effects of restrictive policy scores on economic conditions are indirect, being exerted through the percentage of a state’s population that is foreign born. Finally, though much attention is focused on the expected increase in Latino political clout, restrictive policy tone was not predictive of increased voter registration or voting in states that pass these types of policies. If anti-immigrant policies are inducing those who oppose these policies to mobilize politically, it must be in an arena outside of voting.     

Immigration: The “Illegal Alien” Problem

ABSTRACT

The present paper explores the “immigration crisis” both in the United States and in countries around the world. Consideration is given to what is typically absent in public discourse—that is, that immigration is inflected with race, class, ethnicity, religion, and language. Drawing on the work of several leading scholars in philosophy and linguistics, with particular attention to how metaphor shapes thinking, the “immigration problem” is unpacked to examine the issues embedded within its characterization as a “crisis” and for whom that might be so. Examined as well are the larger sociopolitical issues beyond the worldwide public outcry about securing borders. The paper rests analysis of both how the immigrant “other” is characterized and the larger sociopsychological significance of that characterization within the idea of the social unconscious. Finally, the paper explores the role of the group analyst as “citizen therapist” in expanding empathic engagement among groups affected by the huge migration flows. Included are recommendations for the role the group analyst may play in addressing the issue of immigration in our groups and communities.     

NGOs and the future of the migration debate

Over the past quarter of a century, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) working with refugees and immigrants in the United States have emerged as a formidable force. The government funds them to help newcomers adjust, policy-makers listen to them, the media quotes them, and immigrants and refugees rely on them for assistance and advocacy. This development has caused tensions with other stakeholders in the US immigration debate and raised concerns that it will lead to polarization over progress in the policy arena. The author argues that although NGOs and other key actors have had a difficult time responding to the pace, scope, and diversity of immigration into the US, a combination of factors make it possible, even likely, that in the coming decade NGOs, federal and local governments, researchers, refugee and immigrant communities, and intergovernmental organizations will forge new understandings and modernized policy structures that will manage migration intelligently rather than repress it ineffectively.     

Understanding Diversity in the Phenomenon of Immigrant Organizations: A Comprehensive Framework

Voluntary immigrant organizations are a worldwide phenomenon. Yet, despite the fact that all of these organizations were founded as a consequence of immigration, their actual characteristics and activities are very diverse, and even in some cases, immigrants do not found organizations at all. Therefore, this paper deals with the question: under which conditions are different associations founded—and when are they not founded? Following a brief mapping of the wide category of immigrant organizations, the paper discusses the term immigrant organization itself and suggests a definition. Finally, the paper outlines a comprehensive and systematic framework, which integrates findings of the existing literature as well as adding some new factors. Within this framework, four main variables are particularly relevant in determining the uniqueness of each immigrant organization: (1) the attributes of the immigrant population, (2) the characteristics of the country of origin, (3) gaps vis-à-vis the host society, and (4) attitudes and policies of the host society in relation to immigrants. Combinations of these four variables, which are unique in each settlement process, explain the formation of diverse types of organizations among immigrant groups.     

Are Citizens “Receiving the Treatment”? Assessing a Key Link in Contextual Theories of Public Opinion and Political Behavior

The theorization and empirical exploration of contextual effects is a long‐standing feature of public opinion and political behavior research. At present, however, there is little to no evidence that citizens actually perceive the local contextual factors theorized to influence their attitudes and behaviors. In this article, we focus on two of the most prevalent contextual factors appearing in theories—racial/ethnic and economic context—to investigate whether citizens' perceptions of their local ethnic and economic contexts map onto variation in the actual ethnic composition and economic health of these environments. Using national survey data combined with Census data, and focusing on the popular topics of immigration and unemployment, we find that objective measures of the size of the immigrant population and unemployment rate in respondents' county and zip code strongly predict perceived levels of local immigration and assessments of the health of one's local job market. In addition to demonstrating that citizens are “receiving the treatment,” we show that perceptions of one's context overwhelmingly mediate the effect of these objective contextual factors on relevant economic and immigration attitudes. The results from our analyses provide scholars with unprecedented evidence that a key perceptual process presumed in various contextual theories of political attitudes and behavior is, in fact, valid.     

(Dis)agreement with the Implementation of Humanitarian Policy Measures Towards Asylum Seekers in Israel: Does the Frame Matter?

This study investigates emerging public attitudes about the implementation of humanitarian policy measures towards asylum seekers among the Jewish population in Israel. It specifically asks whether the way asylum seekers in Israel are framed informs the process of attitude formation in the Jewish Israeli public. To answer this question, we measure the extent to which the frame “infiltrators” as opposed to the frame “asylum seekers” positively predicts the rejection of humanitarian policy measures toward asylum seekers. Following framing theory, we also propose that the framing effect depends on the respondents’ perceived levels of threat by asylum seekers, and on their political identification. In line with our hypothesis, the findings indicate that the effect of the framing on the rejection of humanitarian policy measures decreases with increasing levels of threat. Although the framing effect on the rejection of humanitarian policy measures towards asylum seekers is somewhat weaker among respondents with a right-wing political identification, the differences between these and other respondents are not significant.     

Nuancing Neoliberalism: Lessons Learned from a Failed Immigration Experiment

This paper contributes to current debates around neoliberalism and subnational developments in Canadian immigration policy. In response to critiques of neoliberalism’s “promiscuity,” scalar and governmentality frameworks are used to analyze Nova Scotia’s failed economic nominee category experiment. The competing choices, calculations, and commitments at stake at “meso”- and “micro”-scales reveal a more complex and compelling reality that underscores the contributions and challenges of a range of political actors. This, in turn, suggests possible disruptions to neoliberalization and seeks to strike a better balance between structure and agency, as well as economic and social immigration priorities.     

Foreign Qualification Recognition Regimes for Internationally Trained Professionals: the Case of Pharmacists

The paper aims to bridge the literatures on “immigration policy” and “sociology of professions” by offering an institutionalist perspective that focuses on the nature of foreign qualification recognition (FQR) processes and their impact on internationally trained workers’ access to employment in 11 immigrant-receiving countries—France, Germany, Netherlands, Austria, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Canada, United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand. It analyzes professional regulations and immigrant selection systems and puts forward four FQR regimes—“readily accessible,” “segmented,” “moderately restrictive,” and “highly restrictive.” The central focus of the article is on FQR regimes for pharmacists since professional regulations are not uniform across all professions and jurisdictions. It would thus be more suitable to clarify country clusters for each profession. This conceptual tool, however, can also be utilized to enhance our understanding about other professions.     

Immigration and Occupational Mobility of Native Workers in Spain. A Gender Perspective

This paper studies the economic effect of immigration on native working conditions, focusing on the impact of the inflow of immigrant labour on occupational mobility among native workers. Basing on a gender-segmented labour market, we propose an extension of the model presented by Peri and Sparber American Economic Journal: Applied Economics, 1(3), 135-169, (2009). The model controls for gender and time in order to check for potential differences in immigration effects associated with gender or immigrant length of residence. This research reveals the existence of such differences, by showing that female immigrant inflow has a greater positive short-term impact on occupational mobility among female unskilled native workers. In addition, the long-term study discloses a slight occupational assimilation of male immigrants towards employment patterns of male native workers and a permanent confinement of female immigrants in a few “niche jobs”.     

Portrayals of Global Health Worker Migration in Canadian Print News Media: Domestic Concerns vs. Global Awareness

The global migration of physicians and nurses has implications for health human resources in both source and recipient countries. Of particular concern to academics and policy experts is the “brain drain” of health professionals from under-resourced nations to developed countries, which promote immigration of physicians and nurses to solve their own health worker shortages. How does the general public in these destination countries understand and respond to concerns over migration and immigration of health professionals? This understanding is likely to be influenced in large part by how the issues are portrayed in the news media. News media treatment of this issue was explored by surveying news articles; newspaper columns/editorials; and op-ed pieces; and letters to the editor published in four prominent Canadian newspapers between May 2004 and January 2009, a time frame that included two federal elections in which physician immigration was highlighted as a political issue. Despite the prominence among academics of concern over the brain drain of physicians and nurses from developing countries to Canada and other Western nations, this issue received little attention in print news media discussions, which focused on domestic physician shortages and the role of international medical graduates in filling Canadian needs. While recent federal elections brought concerns about immigrant physicians into the political spotlight in Canada, they did so by focusing on Canadians' health care provision needs to the exclusion of promoting a broader, global awareness that the immigration of health professionals to developed nations such as Canada exacerbates global health disparities.     

Predicting electoral activism among gays and lesbians in the United States

Although battles over gay and lesbian rights have appeared prominently in political arenas, scholars have created few empirical studies on gay and lesbian activism. To address this absence, this quantitative study identified factors that inspired greater electoral engagement among gays and lesbians in the United States (n = 285). After integrating “resource,” “mobilizing,” and “framing” variables into regressions, this study found that electoral activism was inspired by many sorts of motivators. In sum, activist tendencies were swayed by educational levels, perceptions of political potency, a desire to conceal sexual orientations, surviving hate crimes, and joining certain political groups. Interestingly, this study supported “new social movement” theories that downplay economic factors as predictors of involvement in gay and lesbian rights campaigns.     

Testimonial Engagement: Undocumented Latina Mothers Navigating a Gendered Deportation Regime

This community-based qualitative study investigated the real or threatened impact of immigration enforcement on undocumented mothers as they navigate a “gendered deportation regime.” We analyzed seven interviews with undocumented mothers who have experienced the deportation of someone close to them and live under the constant threat of deportation. Based on an inductive, team-based analysis process, we present case examples of four themes that illustrate how undocumented mothers describe their experience negotiating the aftermath and threat of deportation: quality of life, material possibilities, balancing the social, and engaging with advocacy networks. Findings expand on previous research emphasizing the impact of “deportability” on the everyday lives of undocumented immigrants by attending to gendered aspects of immigration enforcement. As a collaborative research team composed of social work faculty, graduate students, and immigrant rights activists, we also critically engage with our attempts to meld research and community organizing in order to illustrate challenges that scholars and social service practitioners face when working with undocumented populations.     

More Royalist Than the King? Immigration Policy Attitudes Among Naturalized Citizens

Social psychological research has analyzed immigration attitudes mostly from the perspective of natives without an immigrant background. Nevertheless, an increasing number of migrants obtain national citizenship and take a stance towards immigration policies. By studying immigration policy attitudes reported by naturalized citizens, this article develops a dual-pathway model of immigrant political incorporation featuring pathways of either absorption or transformation. Based on a unique sample of immigrants who just accomplished the naturalization procedure (N = 566), we investigate participants' preferences for permissive or restrictive immigration policies as a function of their naturalization motives and expectations about how immigrants should acculturate in the receiving society (i.e., acculturation orientations). Our findings provide evidence for both processes of political absorption and transformation. On the one hand, belongingness motives underlying naturalization were connected to orientations towards host culture adoption, which in turn predicted support for restrictive immigration policies. On the other hand, instrumental motives were connected to orientations towards heritage culture maintenance, which in turn predicted support for permissive immigration policies. To conclude, we discuss the social psychological dynamics involved in the transition from national outsiders to national insiders and highlight the effects of naturalization on power relations between national majority and immigrant minority groups.     

THE CRAZINESS FOR EXTRA‐SENSORY PERCEPTION: QIGONG FEVER AND THE SCIENCE–PSEUDOSCIENCE DEBATE IN CHINA

From 1979 to 1999, a heated dispute over the science or pseudoscience of extraordinary power or extrasensory perception (ESP) took place in China. During these two decades, many so‐called “grandmasters” of ESP and Qigong emerged, and millions of people across the country studied with them; this was known as “Qigong Fever” or “ESP Fever.” The supporters of ESP argued that ESP existed, people could cultivate ESP through specific Qigong training, and ESP was a science; whereas the opponents of ESP denied all of these. Both sides of the dispute had many supporters. With the onset of Qigong Fever in China, some Qigong and ESP masters developed their Qigong organizations into Chinese‐style religions. Qigong Fever ended when the religions were banned by the Chinese government. The rise of Qigong Fever demonstrated that basic questions about the boundaries between science and pseudoscience were not easy to answer. Different theoretical and practical consequences resulted from different answers to these questions.     

Perceptions about fleeing religious persecution and entrance to the US

Using four vignettes to study attitudes toward religious persecution, a woman or man aged 22 or 68 came to the US with no supporting documentation. A General Linear Model analysed the 12 items for each vignette. Three items were significant among the vignettes: “All immigration policies and laws should be observed even if it means that M may not be granted permission to stay”; “M’s gender might be an indicator that M wishes to do harm to the US and its citizens” and “M should be deported because s/he entered the country illegally.” Gender and age impact these perceptions.