形旁和声旁在形声字识别中的作用

形声字是由表示意义范畴的义符(形旁)和表示发音信息的声符(声旁)组合而成, 以往研究虽然肯定了声旁在形声字加工中的作用, 但对形旁的作用仍存在一定争议。结合行为和脑电技术, 采用汉字判断任务, 以形旁和声旁均为独体字的形声字作为实验材料, 通过操纵形旁频率和声旁频率, 本研究进一步探讨了形旁和声旁在形声字识别中的作用。行为结果(实验1)发现形旁频率并未引发反应时和错误率上的显著变化, 而声旁频率在反应时和错误率上均产生了显著的效应, 相对于低频声旁, 高频声旁条件下的反应时更长、错误率更高。脑电结果(实验2)发现, 相对于低频形旁, 高频形旁在前脑区引发了一个波幅更小的N400; 而声旁频率不仅可以在全部脑区引发N400的变化, 同时在左脑的前、中脑区引发了P200的变化。相对于低频声旁, 高频声旁所引发的P200波幅更小, N400波幅更大。两实验结果说明, 在形声字识别中, 形旁和声旁均可以产生作用, 但形旁的激活时间要晚于声旁, 且作用相对较弱。     

汉字形声字声旁的语义加工(英文)

作为汉字书写系统和意义表达基本单位的汉字可分为独体字(占5％)和合体字(占95％)两大类。绝大多数合体字由两部分组成：义旁(通常在左边)和声旁(通常在右边)。声旁能够为这些合体字提供语音信息。根据声旁的读音与整字的读音是否一致,可把合体字分为规则字和不规则字。本研究的目的在于考察合体字声旁的亚词汇加工是否仅仅是一个纯粹的语音事件,只涉及声旁的语音加工,还是同时也是一个语义事件,涉及到声旁语义信息的激活。要求被试对屏幕上先后呈现的合体字(如“冯”)和与其声旁语义相关的字(“牛”)作语义相关判断。整字之间并无语义关系,被试正确的反应应是“否”。实验结果表明,相对于完全无关的控制组(如“冯——后”)来说,被试对声旁相关组的反应明显减慢,出现了抑制效应。这种效应基本不受整字的读音规则性和呈现顺序的影响。这些实验结果表达了合体字加工中的分解和平行激活过程。在整字加工的同时,声旁在心理词典中的语音和语义表征得到了激活。汉字声旁的亚词汇加工既是个语音事件,也是个语义事件,与词汇水平的加工没有本质的区别。     

声旁语音信息对形声字加工的影响——来自眼动研究的证据

与拼音文字不同, 汉字是形义结合更紧密的文字, 因此语音信息在语义通达中的作用一直是汉语加工研究中存在争议的问题。形声字作为汉字的主体(80%), 其声旁在一定程度上提供了字的语音信息, 本文通过两项眼动研究考察了左右结构和上下结构形声字的声旁语音信息对形声字加工的影响。结果发现, 当声旁在右或声旁在下时, 省前与略后条件没有显著差异, 甚至出现差异的逆转, 也就是说当略后的笔画中包含声旁时, 亚词汇层面的声旁语音信息会影响到“笔画顺序效应”, 实验结果说明声旁的语音信息对形声字的加工起到重要作用。     

Orthographic combinability and phonological consistency effects in reading Chinese phonograms: an event-related potential study

In this study, event-related potentials (ERPs) were used to trace the temporal dynamics of phonological consistency and phonetic combinability in the reading of Chinese phonograms. The data showed a significant consistency-by-combinability interaction at N170. High phonetic combinability characters elicited greater negativity at N170 than did low phonetic combinability characters, and the combinability effect was only found in the reading of high consistency characters. The results support the phonological mapping hypothesis of the reading-related N170 effect and suggest that the earlier stages of visual word recognition are shaped by the mapping of orthography to phonology even in Chinese. Moreover, our data revealed both consistency and combinability effects at P200 and N400, accounted for by the two-stage framework for visual word recognition. That is, characters with high combinability or high consistency facilitated the earlier stages of orthographic or phonological processing which were due to increased activation at the perceptual level; consequently, less positive P200 was demonstrated. In the later stages, high combinability or high consistency characters were associated with a larger semantic neighborhood, which increased semantic competition and exaggerated the N400 effect. These data support the assumption of radical-based inputs proposed by the lexical constituent model. However, the phonetic consistency effects found at N170 and P200 cannot be reconciled with the current framework of the lexical constituent model. A possible revision will be discussed.     

形旁家族、声旁家族和高频同声旁字对形声字识别的影响

通过3个实验,考察形旁家族、声旁家族和高频同声旁字对汉字形声字识别的影响。实验1考察形旁家族大小及声旁语音信息的作用。实验2和实验3考察声旁家族大小和高频同声旁字的作用。结果发现,形旁家族和声旁家族大对形声字识别起促进作用;高频同声旁字在使用假字时起抑制作用,在使用非字时无作用;在使用假字时,形旁家族小时识别声旁不可发音的字快于识别声旁可发音的字。研究结果支持字词识别的交互激活模型     

低频汉字词语的反知觉干扰效应

为了考察记忆的知觉干扰效应机制,实验采用“学习-测验”范式,探索了在不同程度视觉干扰条件下,再认测验里低频汉字及双字词的记忆成绩。结果发现：（1）在对低频汉字的记忆中,知觉干扰条件引起了“反知觉干扰效应”,知觉干扰条件削弱了对汉字的记忆;（2）低频双字词不存在记忆的“反知觉干扰效应”。结果可以解释为,记忆的知觉干扰效应反映语音加工优势。     

Use of parafoveally visible characters during the reading of Chinese sentences

Chinese readers' use of parafoveal character previews was examined. In Experiment 1, the preview of target characters consisted of targets or of graphemically similar, homophonic, or dissimilar characters. Each preview was replaced with the corresponding target when the eyes reached the target location. Oculomotor measures revealed preview benefits for targets, for graphemically similar characters, and for homophonic characters. Experiment 2 showed that parafoveal preview of graphemically similar characters yielded benefits primarily when they shared the phonetic radical with their targets. The phonological relationship between previewed radicals and subsequently viewed targets was ineffective. Chinese character processing thus involves the initial use of orthographic information from the phonetic radical and the activation of the character's phonological form.     

三、五年级儿童形声字识别中形旁和声旁家族效应

采用2（年级）×2（声旁家族大小）×2（形旁家族大小）三因素混合实验设计,在形声字识别中考察了三、五年级儿童的形旁和声旁家族效应。结果仅在三年级中发现了显著的形旁家族大小效应,而五年级中却没有发现。但两个年级中形旁和声旁家族的交互作用均显著。进一步分析发现在声旁处于大家族时,形旁也处于大家族时,三、五年级儿童的反应时更快。此结果说明声旁和形旁家族共同影响形声字识别,但在三年级儿童中,形旁家族效应可以不依赖于声旁家族单独发挥作用,五年级儿童中却没有独立的形旁家族效应。     

义符熟悉性对高频形声字词汇通达的影响

采用启动词汇判断范式,考察义符熟悉性对高频汉字形声字认知的影响。结果表明,义符加工与整字加工存在动态的交互作用。在加工早期,高频汉字形声字的整字语义已经激活,但此时义符的语义并未激活。高熟悉性义符的词形启动比低熟悉性义符早。随着SOA增长,高、低熟悉性义符的语义都出现激活。到了加工晚期,汉字形声字整字的语义激活仍然显著,但义符的语义激活消失,表明字词认知的整合过程已经完成。这一结果支持汉字认知中整字加工和部件加工相结合的观点     

亚词汇水平加工的本质:形旁的语音激活

该研究利用启动命名技术,探讨了汉字加工时是否存在着形旁的语音激活。把含有独立成字的形旁的合体字（如“躲”）作为启动字,与形旁同音的字（如“深”）作为目标字。结果发现,当合体字是低频字时,目标字的命名速度显著加快。高频合体字则没有此效应。集合Ｚｈｏｕ和Ｍａｒｓｌｅｎ－Ｗｉｌｓｏｎ关于声旁语义激活的研究,该文得出结论说,汉字亚同汇水平的加工与词汇水平的加工表现一样,两者之间并无本质性的差别。     

Use of phonological codes for Chinese characters: evidence from processing of parafoveal preview when reading sentences

The role of phonological coding for character identification was examined with the benefit of processing parafoveal characters in eye fixations while reading Chinese sentences. In Experiment 1, the orthogonal manipulation of phonological and orthographic similarity can separate two types of phonological benefits for homophonic previews, according to whether these previews share the same phonetic radical with the targets or not. The significant phonological benefits indicate that phonological coding is activated early when the character is in the parafovea. Experiment 2 manipulated the character's consistency value and found that the phonological preview benefits are reliable only when the targets are high consistency characters. The results of two experiments suggest that phonological computation is rapid and early at both character and radical levels for Chinese character identification.     

Hemispheric processing of lexical information in Chinese character recognition and its relationship to reading performance

Hemispheric predominance has been well documented in the visual perception of alphabetic words. However, the hemispheric processing of lexical information in Chinese character recognition and its relationship to reading performance are far from clear. In the divided visual field paradigm, participants were required to judge the orthography, phonology, or semantics of Chinese characters, which were presented randomly in the left or right visual field. The results showed a right visual field/left hemispheric superiority in the phonological judgment task, but no hemispheric advantage in the orthographic or semantic task was found. In addition, reaction times in the right visual field for phonological and semantic tasks were significantly correlated with the reading test score. These results suggest that both hemispheres involved in the orthographic and semantic processing of Chinese characters, and that the left lateralized phonological processing is important for Chinese fluent reading.     

再探汉字加工中语音、语义激活的相对时间进程

在Zhou和Marslen-Wilson（2000）基础之上,进一步探讨汉字加工中语音和语义信息激活的相对时间进程及其对汉字加工理论的含义。采用启动范式,用同一目标字与语义相关启动字、同音启动字以及无关控制启动字配对,变化同音启动字读音与其声旁的规则性,变化启动字与目标字呈现之间的时间间隔（SOA,57ms或200ms）,使用两种实验任务（真假字判断和命名）,考察语义、语音效应发生的时间先后与效应量的大小。真假字判断实验发现,不管SOA如何,语义启动效应都非常显著,而同音启动效应则随SOA的增长而逐渐加大,从不显著到显著;同音启动字读音规则性对启动效应没有明显影响。命名实验发现,语义启动、同音启动效应同时存在于长、短SOA条件中。长SOA时,两者在数值上没有显著差异;短SOA时,同音不规则字产生的启动效应等同于语义启动效应,而同音规则字产生的启动效应则大于语义启动效应。结合其它实验发现,这些结果说明,在熟练的汉字加工中,语音信息的激活并不比语义信息早,语音激活也不是语义激活的先决条件;但汉字各种信息激活的相对激活量和时间进程会随任务性质和材料性质而在一定范围内有所改变。     

Activation of semantic information at the sublexical level during handwriting production: Evidence from inhibition effects of Chinese semantic radicals in the picture‐word interference paradigm

Using a non‐alphabetic language (e.g., Chinese), the present study tested a novel view that semantic information at the sublexical level should be activated during handwriting production. Over 80% of Chinese characters are phonograms, in which semantic radicals represent category information (e.g., 椅 ‘chair,’ 桃 ‘peach,’ 橙 ‘orange’ are related to plants) while phonetic radicals represent phonetic information (e.g., 狼 ‘wolf,’ 朗 ‘brightness,’ 郎 ‘male,’ are all pronounced /lang/). Under different semantic category conditions at the lexical level (semantically related in Experiment 1; semantically unrelated in Experiment 2), the orthographic relatedness and semantic relatedness of semantic radicals in the picture name and its distractor were manipulated under different SOAs (i.e., stimulus onset asynchrony, the interval between the onset of the picture and the onset of the interference word). Two questions were addressed: (1) Is it possible that semantic information could be activated in the sublexical level conditions? (2) How are semantic and orthographic information dynamically accessed in word production? Results showed that both orthographic and semantic information were activated under the present picture‐word interference paradigm, dynamically under different SOAs, which supported our view that discussions on semantic processes in the writing modality should be extended to the sublexical level. The current findings provide possibility for building new orthography‐phonology‐semantics models in writing.     

Visual field differences in visual word recognition can emerge purely from perceptual learning: evidence from modeling Chinese character pronunciation

In Chinese orthography, a dominant character structure exists in which a semantic radical appears on the left and a phonetic radical on the right (SP characters); a minority opposite arrangement also exists (PS characters). As the number of phonetic radical types is much greater than semantic radical types, in SP characters the information is skewed to the right, whereas in PS characters it is skewed to the left. Through training a computational model for SP and PS character recognition that takes into account of the locations in which the characters appear in the visual field during learning, but does not assume any fundamental hemispheric processing difference, we show that visual field differences can emerge as a consequence of the fundamental structural differences in information between SP and PS characters, as opposed to the fundamental processing differences between the two hemispheres. This modeling result is also consistent with behavioral naming performance. This work provides strong evidence that perceptual learning, i.e., the information structure of word stimuli to which the readers have long been exposed, is one of the factors that accounts for hemispheric asymmetry effects in visual word recognition.     

儿童汉字读音声旁一致性意识的发展

采用同音判断的方法,考察儿童对汉字读音声旁一致性意识的发展。一个熟悉字和一个不熟悉字共用同一个声旁,该声旁在提示整字发音时可以是一致的,即包含此声旁的所有汉字都发音相同,也可以是不一致的。要求儿童猜测不熟悉字的读音,作出它与熟悉字“是”、“否”同音的判断。结果发现,儿童很早就意识到汉字的结构以及声旁和形旁在表音、表义功能上的分工。随着年级的升高,声旁一致性对猜测不熟悉汉字读音的影响增强。小学四年级语文能力较高的儿童已经开始意识到声旁的一致性;六年级儿童总体上说来已发展了一致性意识。初二年级的学生发展了声旁一致性意识,且没有能力差异。大学生的声旁一致性意识最强。     

聋人副中央凹字N+1预视效益的眼动研究

聋人听觉受损后,在低水平的视觉认知任务中,表现出副中央凹注意增强效应。这种增强效应是否也会发生在高水平的汉语认知加工任务中？本研究采用边界范式,探究副中央凹注意增强效应对聋人读者合体字N+1预视效益的影响。研究发现,高技能聋人读者,可以获得合体字N+1语音和语义预视效益。研究表明,副中央凹注意增强促进了高技能聋人读者N+1预视信息的获得。     

汉字字形输出过程中儿童的汉字结构意识

本研究通过控制汉字声旁与形旁的结构特征,采用听写纸笔测验考察了小学四年级儿童在汉字字形输出过程中的汉字结构意识.结果发现汉字声旁的规则性与形旁语义透明度都直接影响听写的正确率与错误率;在这种任务条件下,声旁的规则性与形旁语义透明度相互作用;阅读水平低的儿童比阅读水平高的儿童产生更多的同音替代错误.文章从听写条件下汉字的加工与儿童词汇表征的角度探讨了这些结果的理论含义.     

汉字亚词汇部件语音加工的P200效应

亚词汇加工是词汇识别研究中的一个重要领域,本研究考察了早期ERP成分P200如何受到汉字亚词汇部件语音信息的影响。在ERP实验中,被试对顺序呈现的启动字和目标字对进行语义判断。实验中“启动字-目标字”字对共享一个共同的可发音或不可发音的部件（如“吹-砍”、“扬-场”）。对目标字的P200效应分析显示：与部件不发音的目标字相比,部件可发音的目标字所诱发的P200显著增强。这种增强的ERP效应表明P200对汉字识别中亚词汇部件的语音加工非常敏感,其效应变化受到亚词汇语音的单独调节,同时也表明在汉字识别的早期阶段亚词汇部件语音信息就已被激活并在汉字加工中起重要作用。