Eleven-year career stability and change as reflected in Project Talent data through the Flanagan,Holland, and Roe occupational classification systems

The vocational psychologist seeks classifications of occupations which maximize career stability as occupations change from time to time in the life. This study investigates the extent of career stability and the patterns of career change which have occurred in the lives of Project TALENT twelfth grade students in the 11 yr elapsing since they were tested. “Career” plans in the last year of high school and at 1, 5, and 11 yr after testing were classified by the Flanagan, Holland, and Roe occupational classification systems in order to study the career stability and patterning within each system and to contrast both among systems. Career stability proved to be about the same in all three classification systems but decreased in all cases as the interval over which it was measured increased. Career stability increased as subjects grew older, proving to be the greatest from 5 to 11 yr after high school. Patterns of change mildly conformed to the circular patterns claimed by Holland and Roe for their systems and the linear pattern hypothesized for the Flanagan system. Generally, the direction of “career” flow was away from intellectual careers to careers in business and sales but each system had unique results as well.     

The fit of Holland’s RIASEC model to US occupations

Holland’s [Holland, J. L. (1959). A theory of occupational choice. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 6, 35-45; Holland, J. L. (1997). Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments (3rd ed.). Odessa, FL: Psychological Assessment Resources, Inc.] RIASEC types were initially developed using a restricted range of occupational titles. Holland’s type classification system has been extended to encompass the full range of occupations in the US, using both statistical and expert rating methods. However, the extent that Holland’s classification model is sufficient to represent the full range of occupational interests has not been examined. Multidimensional scaling (MDS) was used to analyze college students’ (266 men, 572 women) interests in occupations representing approximately 85% of the US labor market. A two-dimensional MDS solution of the full set of occupations did not fit Holland’s model, but limiting the analysis to occupations used in Holland-based measures produced the expected RIASEC structure. In comparison, a three-dimensional solution included Prediger’s [Prediger, D. J. (1982). Dimensions underlying Holland’s hexagon: Missing link between interests and occupations? Journal of Vocational Behavior, 21, 259-287] dimensions (Things/People and Data/Ideas) consistent with Holland’s model, but also included prestige and sex-type dimensions that were not orthogonal to Prediger’s dimensions. These results demonstrate that the RIASEC types are not sufficient to represent the full range of occupational interests and are confounded with prestige and sex-type.     

Scaling the information processing demands of occupations

The purpose of this study was to provide additional validity evidence for a model of person–environment fit based on polychronicity, stimulus load, and information processing capacities. In this line of research the confluence of polychronicity and information processing (e.g., the ability of individuals to process stimuli from the environment along five dimensions of information load, interpersonal load, change load, time structure, and activity structure) is applied to the occupational environment. Using magnitude estimation scaling, college students in the United States and Portugal rated 42 occupations across five information processing demand characteristics. Results indicated that occupations could be differentiated by the information load conditions, thus producing a profile of information processing demand characteristics unique to each of the occupations tested. Additional findings provided evidence for the validity of the scaled occupational values; ratings differed reliably across Holland categories, were fairly consistent across the two cultural groups, and showed expected relationships with salary and educational level.     

Cognitive differentiation as a function of information type and its relation to career choice

Although providing occupational information is a common vocational counseling practice, recent research has raised questions about the utility of such information. Cognitive differentiation (the ability to differentiate among job titles on 12 constructs) has been shown to be positively related to an “appropriate” career choice. Differentiation, however, appears to decrease as a function of traditional types of occupational information (e.g., Occupational Outlook Handbook, U.S. Department of Labor, Washington, D.C., 1980). The present study investigated the hypothesis that information related to Holland personality characteristics of persons in various occupations would increase subjects' ability to differentiate among those job titles. One hundred fifty undeclared-major freshman undergraduate students were randomly assigned to one of three condition groups: objective information, personality information, no information. All subjects were administered the Career Decision Scale and Cognitive Differentiation Grid. Results indicated that subjects receiving personality information exhibited a significantly greater degree of differentiation among careers than subjects receiving objective information. These results confirm the major hypothesis of the study and suggest that the provision of personality information may be more useful in promoting career choice than the types of information traditionally provided.     

Vocational aspirations of Chinese high school students and their parents' expectations

This study examined the vocational aspirations and parental vocational expectations of high school students and their parents (1067 parent–child dyads). Participants completed a demographic questionnaire and an Occupations List. The Occupations List consisted of 126 occupational titles evenly distributed across the six Holland types. Parents were asked to check the occupations that they expected their children to pursue and students were asked to select occupations to which they aspired. The expectations of parents were compared to the aspirations of children according to the occupational field, prestige, and sextype of occupations. The expectation–aspiration gap was relatively small for occupational field, but the gap was larger for occupational prestige and sextype. There were also gender differences for both expectations (parents' expectation toward sons and daughters) and aspirations (aspirations of male and female students). Types of high school (key or regular high schools) and parental educational background also related to expectations and aspirations. Theoretical, research, and practice implications are discussed.     

The validity of the Holland and Basic Interest scales of the Strong Vocational Interest Blank: Leisure activities versus occupational membership as criteria

This study compared leisure activities with occupational membership as criteria for determining the concurrent validity of the Holland and Basic Interest scales of the Strong Vocational Interest Blank (Form T399). Subjects were 89 thirty-six-year-old males representing a variety of occupations. R. H. Dolliver's (Journal of Counseling Psychology, 1975, 22, 199–203) two methods for assessing validity were used: highest single scores on relevant scales and scores above established cutoff points on relevant scales. Results indicated greater congruence between interest scales and occupations than interest scales and leisure activities, except when Basic Interest scale cutoff scores were used. After chance factors were taken into account, Holland scales were found to be more accurate than Basic Interest scales in identifying occupations and in identifying leisure activities when highest scale scores were used. Using cutoff scores, Basic Interest scales were more accurate than Holland scales in identifying leisure activities. Supplementary analyses indicated that the validity of the Holland and Basic Interest scales increases when they are presumed to reflect either current occupation or preferred leisure activity. Results of this study were compared with Dolliver's (1975) findings.     

Occupational sex stereotypes among college students

Occupational stereotypes among college students are examined. College students rated the 106 occupations contained in the Strong Interest Inventory according to the degree persons in these occupations contained masculine or feminine traits or according to the proportion of men and women employed in them. Men and women made equivalent ratings of occupations. Ratings for trait and proportion did not differ. Based on comparisons with Shinar's earlier research in 1975, it would appear that stereotyping has moderated even though it remained present in responses. Further comparisons show consistent differences in stereotyping based on the Holland occupational types of occupations rated. Implications for the use of interest inventories and the continuation of sex typing are presented.     

Perceived causality for success in occupations

A representative group of occupations was examined within an attributional framework, utilizing the concept of perceived causality for success. Specifically, it was hypothesized that (1) success in different types of occupations would be attributed to different causes, (2) the causal attributions of incumbents would differ from those of nonincumbents, (3) standard occupational categories could be derived on the basis of perceived causality for success, and (4) perceived causality for success could be used as a basis for generating a circular ordering of occupations.Holland's (1973) occupational classification was used as a basis for categorization. College students, as well as six types of occupational incumbents, were administered a questionnaire in which they attributed causality for success in 35 occupations. The results supported the first three hypotheses and also revealed some systematic relationships between causes and between perceived causality for success and occupational prestige.     

Peers' Perceptions of Negro and White Occupational Preferences

The hypothesis that elementary school children would cast their peers in occupational roles in a class play that would be congruent with the peers' previously expressed vocational preferences was supported for boys (N = 106), but not for girls (N = 97). Boys expressing a preference for either professional or masculine, aggressively oriented occupations were nominated for similar occupational roles in a class play by a significant number of their male and female peers. However, girls who expressed a preference for nursing or teaching were not cast in these roles by a significant number of either their male or female peers. Negro boys expressing a preference for professional occupations were cast in these roles by their peers with significantly greater frequency than were white boys. There were no significant race differences in the other occupational categories of the class play.     

The latent structure of occupations

Triads of occupations were given to 1300 high-school pupils of both sexes in order to find the affinities of the occupations and the values they used to arrive at the affinities. The values used to perceive occupations come from the subject; nevertheless they could be categorized into a scheme of 20 different values, with the residue category containing less than 1% of the answers. In accordance with previous research in this field, an almost universal structure of occupations was found. The following variables had no influence on the choice of occupational affinities: age, trend of study, SES, father's occupation, mother's occupation, vocational maturity, and preferred occupation. Only the pupils of one school were significantly different in affiliating the occupations in the triads. Furthermore, girls perceive the world of occupations more uniformly than boys.Underlying this universal structure of occupations there exists a latent structure, specific to each individual, which explains why the world of occupations is seen in the way it is. This latent structure of occupations is influenced by the individual's specific background.     

A multivariate investigation of the reinforcer structure of occupations

Earlier research based on 81 Occupational Reinforcer Patterns (ORPs) suggested a nine-category classification of occupations. The present research, based on 148 ORPs, investigated the ability of that classificatory system to assimilate new information. Cluster analysis of the 148 ORPs yielded an eight-category classification of occupations in which five of the original occupational clusters appeared virtually unchanged; the other four original clusters were combined into two occupational clusters. One new cluster was identified. Principal factors analysis was employed to study the factor structure of the occupational reinforcers and to highlight the essential nature of the classificatory system. Five reinforcer factors were identified.     

An investigation of racial differences on vocational variables among college women

This study used a sample of black and white college women matched on Duncan's (1961) socioeconomic indicator ratings to explore possible racial differences on vocationally relevant variables. There were no differences between the groups on age or educational level. The distribution of the parents' occupations by Holland type and the distribution of the subjects by their VPI type appeared to be quite similar. There were no significant differences based on: the relationship of the parents' occupational types to the subjects' VPIs: the relationship between the subjects' VPI types and their occupational choice or college major; the estimated likelihood of reaching the career goal; satisfaction with career choice or college major; and scores on two recent scales designed to measure vocational indecision. While no differences were found on the number of possible factors listed that might impede career goals, the distribution of the most important of these factors indicated there were differences between the two groups. These findings are discussed relative to their implications for interpreting previous research and carrying out future studies.     

Effect of positive,negative, and mixed occupational information on cognitive and affective complexity

A series of concentrated research studies over the past 8 years has significantly demonstrated that cognitive complexity in the vocational realm is positively related to congruence or appropriateness of vocational choice. Moreover, research has shown that introducing occupational information significantly reduces, rather than increases, cognitive complexity. The results of the study reported here relate to changes in cognitive complexity as a function of the type of occupational information introduced, namely, information with respect to the advantages of occupations; the disadvantages of occupations, or a combination of positive and negative features of occupations. Our results clearly demonstrated that while positive occupational information alone leads to greater simplicity, negative or mixed information significantly retards the trend toward greater simplicity. Results are discussed from both theoretical and practical perspectives, especially with reference to the typical occupational information provided in routine vocational counseling.     

Effects of maternal employment on kindergarten and first-grade children's vocational aspirations

Relationships between young boys' and girls' occupational choices and their mothers' vocational participation were explored. Employment status and occupation were obtained for parents of 142 kindergarten and first-grade children attending public schools in an upper-middle-class community. A scale derived from the United States Census was used to score parents' occupations and children's occupational choices for sex-stereotyping. Results indicated that children whose mothers were currently employed chose a greater number of occupations and more masculine-oriented occupations than did children of nonemployed mothers. Girls whose mothers had selected nontraditional fields also tended to aspire to less sextraditional careers. A trend in this direction was also noted for boys. Significant differences were found between girls and boys for types of occupations selected, but not for numbers of vocational choices.This article is based on a reanalysis of data gathered for a doctoral dissertation submitted to Fordham University. The author would like to thank her advisor, Dr. Toby Tetenbaum, for help on various aspects of this study, and Dr. Sherle Boone and Dr. Alberto Montare for their useful comments.     

The influence of gender labels on the sex typing of imaginary occupations

Social scientists have been concerned not only with gender stratification within the occupational labor force but with young peoples' recognition and aspiration toward same-gender careers. In this paper we investigate how gender labels influence individuals' evaluational sex typing of occupations. Four gender-marked booklets were constructed such that six imaginary occupations within the story were performed by persons labeled as women, men, both men and women, or individuals. College, high-school, and fifth-and third-grade students were asked to evaluate whether a gender-marked occupation was a position for women, men, or both sexes and possible for girls and boys. Students were also asked to indicate which occupations they preferred. Not only were the occupations classified in relation to the gender labels, but occupational gender barriers were perceived. In essence, males were restricted from engaging in female-labeled jobs and females were restricted from engaging in male-labeled jobs. However, career aspirations     

Explaining the adult careers of dyslexic boys: Variations in critical skills for high-level jobs

Several hundred boys who were diagnosed as dyslexic (specifically reading disabled) in adolescence and who attended a private college preparatory school for dyslexics were followed up in adulthood. The occupations of these men, who were above average in both intelligence and socioeconomic background, were compared to those of both a control group and the general white male population. As hypothesized, the dyslexic men had higher level jobs than the average man but they were much less likely than the controls to become professionals. They rarely entered jobs such as physician, lawyer, or college teacher which require higher degrees; instead most became managers or salesmen. The occupational differences between the dyslexic and control men were related to, but not completely accounted for, by their large differences in educational attainment. Data on the competencies rated as critical to good job performance in different occupations were consistent with the hypothesis that dyslexic men would establish themselves in relatively high-level jobs emphasizing nonacademic rather than academic on-the-job skills. Nondisabled professionals rated getting information through reading among the most critical of the skills required on their jobs. In contrast, managers and salesmen rated reading as less important than nonacademic competencies such as taking initiative and responsibility or being persuasive. The results illustrate the value of knowing more about the particular competencies required in different jobs in order to help members of special groups, particularly those such as dyslexies who have specific and enduring handicaps but who are otherwise intellectually normal.     

Sex stereotypes in occupational choice: The case for college women

The choice of a male dominated occupation rather than a traditionally feminine one is the single occupational variable which meaningfully divides a class of women who were studied intensively over the 4 yr of college. Women who choose occupations which employ largely men differ predictably from women who select feminine occupations in terms of familial influence, work values, work experience, role model influence and some collegiate activities. The two groups do not differ appreciably in sociability experiences or in relationships with parents, so it cannot be argued that the work plans of the pioneer women stem from social isolation, rejection, or lack of appropriate feminine socialization.