论西方主流正义概念发展中的嬗变与综合（下）

在西方思想中,正义概念自产生以来历经了许多演变。从希腊神话、梭伦、柏拉图、亚里士多德一系的主流希腊思想,接通中世纪基督教的良心观念,经注入自然法的启蒙观念,汇合为自由主义的体系,并在此母体上吸收社会主义思想的部分影响,这构成了西方正义概念迄今发展的主脉。许多思想与观念都对正义的概念发生深刻影响。它的种种涵义是从它产生以来在整个西方历史中逐步增添、发展、补充进去的。在这些历史的嬗变中也不断产生新的综合形式。大致地说,在它产生于希腊思想之后,在基督教教义、自然法理论、近现代自由主义与社会主义的观念基础上都产生着新的综合。罗尔斯公平的正义的理论是西方概念在当代的一个最重要的综合。     

历史唯物主义视域中的规范正义——一种可能的马克思主义正义理论

马克思恩格斯的历史唯物主义不是立足于历史相对主义的立场反对一切规范正义,而是反对那些自称普适的和永恒的规范正义;他们所认同的规范正义同样不是某种非历史的价值悬设,而是从资本主义社会中历史地产生出来的社会主义规范正义。我们可以通过澄清马克思恩格斯对于社会主义正义的确切态度来挖掘他们文本中的规范性价值观,并借鉴当代西方左翼正义理论的有益思想资源来建构一种马克思主义正义理论。这种正义理论契合于历史唯物主义,因为它是适用于后资本主义时代的正义理论,是从克服资本主义结构性缺陷的社会主义因素的现实化进程中产生出来的正义理论;同时它也是规范的而非描述性的正义理论,是能够从狭隘的分配领域之调解延伸至社会经济制度之改革的规范性正义理论。     

西方自然法理论在当代的转向

自然法观念构成了西方政治法律思想的传统,这一传统因19世纪实证主义的冲击而一度中断,进入20世纪后,西方自然法理论得以复兴,但当代新自然法理论并不是对传统的重复。自然法何以认识和证明？自然法包含哪些规范内容？自然法对现实政治秩序和法律体系发生何种效力？正是在这些基本问题的认识上,当代新自然法学家通过理论变革和创新而实现了从传统到当代的转向,从而促使西方自然法理论进入新的发展阶段。     

袁久红著:《正义与历史实践》

在正义问题受到国内外诸多学者广泛关注的背景下,袁久红先生的新著<正义与历史实践:当代西方自由主义正义理论批判>,近年内由东南大学出版社出版.该著在批判与吸收当代西方自由主义正义理论的基础上,以实践为内核,从历史发展的多层结构中把握"正义"观的内在品质和时代精神,进而展示著者独到的学术视野和历史主义的正义观.     

政治的,抑或道德的——对政治自由主义一个关键悖论的解读

政治自由主义试图将其正义观念塑造为纯粹"政治的"观念,而不能是完备性的"道德的"观念。但任何规范性的正义观念似乎都不能不是道德的,这就形成了政治自由主义所面对的一个最根本的悖论。通过分析我们可以看到,政治自由主义要克服这一悖论,必须寻求一种具有自主性的规范性政治概念。此外,政治自由主义把公民的两种道德能力当作理论前提,同时强调道德化的公民美德,这两个因素都加深了这一悖论。通过解释和分析这两种因素所带来的理论难题及其原因,文章认为,"政治的"自由主义之所以难以抹去"道德的"面纱,其根源在于政治在自由主义价值系统中的处境。     

中国需要一个上帝吗？

悄悄到来的基督教话语体系今天,一种全新的话语霸权已悄悄渗透到了各个领域,——这是一种流行而时髦的思潮,它试图在中国今天出现的诸多问题中,抽象出这样一种结论,中国引进西方现代一切思想成果都是不够的, 还得引进其文化,这文化不是别的,是基督教信仰。这种观点认为,基督教是西方文化的母体,没有基督教无法孕育出今天的西方文明,而不引进母体,便无法引进产儿。它来的比以往的任何话语体系都更有渗透性, ——法学家们在讨论宪政时反复强调基督教对宪政的重要性:自由主义者们极力论证没有基督教的基础,就不会有真正的自由主义,就不会有真正的民主;而经济学家也开始强调,没有基督教,甚至市     

19世纪法国和德国的“基督教社会主义”

"基督教社会主义"试图将基督教社会与伦理原则跟社会主义的平等精神和社会实践结合起来,它在19世纪兴盛一时,在西方有一定影响。长期以来,学界忽略了对它的研究,不利于我们对西方社会主义历史全貌的了解。本文探讨19世纪法国和德国的"基督教社会主义",论述其代表人物及思想,以及基督社会主义和科学社会主义的异同。     

对融合限度的反思——驳近年来西方学界融合马克思和罗尔斯的倾向

《正义论》曾长期被西方左翼学者看作是为福利资本主义的辩护之作。进入21世纪,罗尔斯在两部新著中把福利资本主义斥为不正义,并申明他自己的正义理论吸纳并克服了马克思对古典自由主义的批评。西方学界遂出现了一股融合马克思和罗尔斯的潮流。然而,马克思以唯物史观为基础的政治理论和罗尔斯的契约论政治理论在人的观念、社会观念以及对资本主义的批评进路等方面都存在重大分歧,这就使得雷曼、亨特和布鲁德尼等人融合马克思和罗尔斯的尝试很难取得成功。     

论尼撒的格列高利的基督教柏拉图主义

就基督教与希腊哲学的关系而言,无论持"基督教被希腊化"的观点还是"希腊被基督教化"的看法,都不能忽视这样一个历史事实,即基督教并不是诞生在文化真空之中,相反,它诞生在犹太教、希腊哲学和罗马帝国各种宗教混合的特定历史文化中。换言之,尽管基督教化与希腊化之争发生在19世纪,但基督教与希腊哲学之间相互作用这一历史情境却发生在两千多年以前。为了推动中世纪哲学史     

论基督教对西方音乐发展的作用及影响

在世界上的大多数宗教中,与西方音乐艺术联系最为密切的应首推基督教,西方音乐的发展与基督教会音乐有着不可分割的渊源关系,宗教势力对西方音乐的形成与发展起了重要的推动作用.基督教产生于公元1世纪前后古罗马帝国东部地区(今巴勒斯坦).在这以前基督教曾是犹太教的一个宗派,它承袭了犹太教的一些神论思想,同时受到各种古代东方的神秘主义的影响.基督教音乐起源于犹太音乐,而犹太教音乐是受希腊的影响发展起来的.     

The Place of Self‐Respect in a Theory of Justice

This essay provides a critical examination of Rawls' (and Rawlsians') conception of self‐respect, the social bases of self‐respect, and the normative justification of equality in the social bases of self‐respect. I defend a rival account of these notions and the normative ideals at stake in political liberalism and a theory of social justice.

I make the following arguments: (1) I argue that it is unreasonable to take self‐respect to be a primary social good, as Rawls and his interpreters characterize it; (2) secondly, drawing on a distinction made by Darwall, I argue that recognition respect provides a far more suitable notion of respect for a theory of justice than Rawls' notion of appraisal respect; (3) thirdly, I argue that Rawls' treatment of self‐respect and the social bases of self‐respect as empirical conceptions should be rejected in favor of normative notions of a reasonable or justified self‐respect and equality in reasonable social bases of self‐respect; (4) I argue that Rawls' notions of political liberalism and public reason provide a way of grounding a notion of the reasonable social bases of self‐respect in political ideals of the person implicit in modern economic institutions, and family relations, ignored by Rawlsians—but as central to reasonable social bases of self‐respect and justice, as Rawlsians' ideal of persons as free and equal citizens.     

RESPECTING HUMAN DIGNITY: CONTRACT VERSUS CAPABILITIES

Abstract: There appears to be a tension between two commitments in liberalism. The first is that citizens, as rational agents possessing dignity, are owed a justification for principles of justice. The second is that members of society who do not meet the requirements of rational agency are owed justice. These notions conflict because the first commitment is often expressed through the device of the social contract, which seems to confine the scope of justice to rational agents. So, contractarianism seems to ignore the justice claims of the severely cognitively impaired. To solve this problem, Martha Nussbaum proposes the capabilities approach. The justifiability condition, on this approach, is met by the idea of overlapping consensus. This essay argues that overlapping consensus cannot meet liberalism's justifiability condition, nor is it more inclusive of the cognitively impaired. Therefore, we have reason to retain the contract device and look for another way to ensure that liberalism respects the justice claims of all.     

Natural religion,common notions,and the study of religions: Lord Herbert of Cherbury (1583–1648)

While the seminal role of Lord Herbert in the early modern study of religion has long been recognized, his legacy has most often been mistakenly identified with ‘natural religion’. This article provides evidence for Lord Herbert's repudiation of ‘natural religion’ and its inconsistency with his own theory of common notions. It also identifies those basic tools still used in the study of religions which emerged as unintended by‐products of his theory of common notions.     

Liberal Nationalism and Cosmopolitan Justice

Many liberals have argued that a cosmopolitan perspective on global justice follows from the basic liberal principles of justice. Yet, increasingly, it is also said that intrinsic to liberalism is a doctrine of nationalism. This raises a potential problem for the liberal defense of cosmopolitan justice as it is commonly believed that nationalism and cosmopolitanism are conflicting ideals. If this is correct, there appears to be a serious tension within liberal philosophy itself, between its cosmopolitan aspiration on the one hand, and its nationalist agenda on the other. I argue, however, that this alleged conflict between liberal nationalism and cosmopolitan liberalism disappears once we get clear on the scope and goals of cosmopolitan justice and the parameters of liberal nationalism. Liberal nationalism and cosmopolitan global justice, properly understood, are mutually compatible ideals.     

德沃金的资源平等论探微

德沃金根据抽象的平等权理论对自由主义的分配正义理论作了新的阐发,提出了资源平等论,这一理论构想包括拍卖模式和虚拟保险市场两个部分,分别解决初始分配和再次分配的平等问题。该理论特别强调个人的自由选择权利。这一理论的完备性还有待进一步检验。     

Nussbaum,Kant, and the Capabilities Approach to Dignity

The concept of dignity plays a foundational role in the more recent versions of Martha Nussbaum’s capabilities theory. However, despite its centrality to her theory, Nussbaum’s conception of dignity remains under-theorised. In this paper we critically examine the role that dignity plays in Nussbaum’s theory by, first, developing an account of the concept of dignity and introducing a distinction between two types of dignity, status dignity and achievement dignity. Next, drawing on this account, we analyse Nussbaum’s conception of dignity and contrast it with Kant’s conception of dignity. On the basis of this comparison between Nussbaum and Kant, we highlight tensions between Nussbaum’s Aristotelianism, which is central to her conception of dignity, and her commitment to political liberalism. This leads us to conclude that Nussbaum’s claim that her conception of dignity is only a partial political conception is implausible and that her conception of dignity seems to commit her to a satisficing form of perfectionist liberalism.     

马克思何以在激进民主主义上逗留?——再现马克思《德法年鉴》时期的政治哲学思想

<正>青年马克思思想发展中有一个非常重要的时期即《德法年鉴》时期(1843年夏至1844年2月),这是一个马克思本人告别古典自由主义以及浪漫主义传统,转向激进民主主义思想,进而孕育共产主义思想的关键时期。这一时期马克思集中撰写了几部政治哲学著述,即《〈黑格尔法哲学批判〉导     

The Implicit Assumptions of Dividing a Cake: Political or Comprehensive?

Rawls's recent modification of his theory of justice claims that political liberalism is free-standing and falls under the category of the political. It works entirely within that domain and does not rely on anything outside it In this article I pursue the metatheoretical goal of obtaining insight into the anthropological assumptions that have remained so far unacknowledged by Rawls and critics alike. My argument is that political liberalism has a dependence on comprehensive liberalism and its conception of a self-serving subjectivity that is far more binding as well as undesirable than it has been so far acknowledged. I proceed with a heuristic approach that introduces us to the possibility that political liberalism presupposes tacitly the Occidental metanarrative of reason harnessing rampant self-interest and subordinating it to a higher-order interest. As the presuppositions of political liberalism emerge, I draw from the debate between Rawls and Habermas in order to illustrate my argument for the existence of a dependence on these presuppositions. I outline some implications of the anthropological basis of political liberalism and conclude by exemplifying them with reference to Rawls's comments on the division of a cake.